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第一篇：励志英文演讲稿
As long as you believe, there will always be a miracle, although the hope is slim, but it will last forever
American writer; Henry told a story in his novel "the last leaf >: ward, a dying patient saw the window from the room of a tree in the autumn leaf falling. The patient looked at the front of the Xiao Xiao leaves, the body will go from bad to worse. As one day. She said:" when all the leaves fall out, I will die. "Upon learning of an old painter, painting a green leaf hanging on the branch.
Finally, the leaves did not fall. Just because of this piece of green life, the patient miraculously survived
Life can not have a lot of things, but can not be without hope. Hope is an important value of human life!
只要心存相信，总有奇迹发生，希望虽然渺茫，但它永存人世。
美国作家欧;亨利在他的小说《最后一片叶子》里讲了个故事：病房里，一个生命垂危的病人从房间里看见窗外的一棵树，在秋风中一片片地掉落下来。病人望着眼前的萧萧落叶，身体也随之每况愈下，一天不如一天。她说：“当树叶全部掉光时，我也就要死了。”一位老画家得知后，用彩笔画了一片叶脉青翠的树叶挂在树枝上。
最后一片叶子始终没掉下来。只因为生命中的这片绿，病人竟奇迹般地活了下来。
人生可以没有很多东西，却唯独不能没有希望。希望是人类生活的一项重要的价值。有希望之处，生命就生生不息!
第二篇：高二演讲稿范文
敬爱的老师，亲爱的同学们：
晚上好！我是高二文二班的何丹。今天很荣幸能够在这里同大家一起分享我的会考复习方法。我认为要想顺利的通过会考，必须做到以下四点：
一：上课认真跟着老师进行复习。因为上课复习的内容比较系统，容易记忆。而且上课老师反复讲的内容一般是会考的.重点。
二：学会好好利用晚自习。晚自习是我们自主学习的时间，我建议大家利用晚自习好好整理当天复习的知识，弄懂吃透，举一反三，加以巩固。
三：认真完成《高效A计划》。《高效A计划》是我们应对会考的第一手资料，上面的题目大多都是会考真题，让我们更加了解会考，适应会考。
四：认真对待每次模拟考试，考出自己的真实水平，把每次考试都当做是对自己这一阶段学习情况的检测。不打无准备的仗，做好充足的准备迎接会考。
最后，希望我的方法对大家以后的学习能有所帮助，也希望大家在一个月的时间里疯狂学习30天，从而取得优异的会考成绩。
谢谢大家
第三篇：励志英文演讲稿
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946.
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilitiesCunsought but not recoiled fromCthe President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step ― namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars ― though not, alas, in the interval between them ― I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people ― namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice ― let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method ― the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come ― I feel eventually there will come ― the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father’s house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other’s purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings" ― to quote some good words I read here the other day ― why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain ― and I doubt not here also ― towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone ― Greece with its immortal glories ― is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts ― and facts they are ― this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace".
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
第四篇：关于爱国演讲稿范文
尊敬的老师、同学们：
大家好！
在世界的东方，有一个古老的国度，她美丽而宽广；在世界的东方，有一个伟大的民族，她勤劳而坚强；在世界的东方，有一片广阔的土地，她神奇而辽阔。她的血脉是奔腾不息的黄河；她的脊梁是巍峨屹立的泰山，她就是我的祖国―中国。
从小的时候，“中国”这个字眼在我心中已留下了深深的印象，望着绘满群山大河的地球仪，祖国那气势磅礴的高山峻岭，那蜿蜒曲折的'万里长城，那奔腾不息的长江黄河，都已深深的烙在我的心中。
记得小时候，妈妈指着几面国旗问我：你最爱哪一面？我总是自豪的回答：当然是中国的五星红旗了！妈妈又问为什么呢？我说：“因为中国的红旗最鲜艳，因为我是中国人，因为我身上流淌着在中华民族的血液，因为，我是炎黄的子孙。”
千百年来，我的祖国饱经风霜，历尽风雨。今天，在世界的地平线上终于迈上了国际化的道路。如今的中国，已不是任人宰割的弱国，如今的中国，拥有光辉灿烂的文化，创造着让全世界都刮目相看的伟绩。你看，神州飞船一飞冲天；嫦娥一号邀游月空；伟大的祖国申奥成功，都在向世界昭示：中国正在与世界接轨，正在与时俱进，正在飞速发展。做为一个中国人，我怎能不骄傲自豪？
啊，我可爱的祖国，你是一片多情的土地，哺育着我们生生不息！你是一片肥沃的土地，滋养着我们代代魂灵！让我们为你梳妆，为你歌唱。我相信，不久的将来，我们的明天会更美好！祖国的明天会更辉煌！谢谢！
第五篇：招办主任竞聘演讲稿范文
尊敬的各位领导、专家、评委：
大家好!
我叫，岁，主治医师，本科学历，我参加的是门诊部主任竞聘演讲稿。今天，我之所以勇敢的站在这个竞聘演讲稿台上，是因为我有自信，再加上我有四个方面的优势：
第一、我具备担任门诊部主任职务所必须具备的政治素质和个人品质。
我的爱岗敬业演讲稿精神比较强，对待工作一直都是认真负责，参加工作以来都秉承干一行，爱一行，专一行的做事风格。
第二、我思想解放，适应新工作的能力很强。
虽然没有担任过门诊部主任的精力，但是，我从事工作十几年来，到过不同的岗位，无论是哪个岗位我都能很快的进入角色。我爱学习，勤思考，工作中注意发挥主观能动性，超前意识强，这一特质会非常有利于开拓工作新局面。
第三、我的性格开朗，脚踏实地。
跟我相处过的人都知道我性格开朗，我的人缘极佳，大家都能与我成为好朋友，这是因为我对人真诚，乐于助人。在工作上，干任何事情都脚踏实地，踏踏实实的将工作干好。
第四、我具备担任门诊部主任所需要的相关知识与能力。
在医院工作了很多年，很多科室我都工作过，我专业知识全面扎实，对常见病、多发病、疑难病能进行中西医诊治，能对急危重症进行有效抢救。同时，我还有管理方面的经验。
当然，我也有自己的缺点，比如有的时候我做事情有点固执，这点在我的工作当中，我都已经在刻意的改变，希望大家支持我。多年来，一直都领到与同事的支持让我不断的成长，借今天的机会，向大家表示真诚的感谢。
如果今天，能得到大家的信任，让我门诊部主任成功竞聘上岗，我会认真的开展好自己的工作，继续脚踏实地的与大家合作，将我们的医院做得更好。我会全力配合上级领导，坚持“上为医院和领导分忧，下为同事和病人服务”的原则，由原来的“领导交办，办就办好”的思维方式向“怎样去办，怎么办好”的方式转变，对工作超前计划，周密安排，保证各项工作落到实处。我会虚心向领到身边的人学习，继续积累我的专业经验，为医院的发展做出更大的贡献。
今天，我的竞聘上岗演讲稿就说这么说，希望大家支持我，以后的工作我会用实际的行为来表示，你们选择我是不会错的，谢谢大家。
第六篇：招办主任竞聘演讲稿范文
尊敬的各位领导、同事：
大家好！
我叫刘来自四川，刚从招办转岗到瑶湖土木系上班。本次我竞选的是x省第x片区，这个片区包括（x、x和泸州）。董事长在全院召开20xx年招生布置会上主要讲话，我深刻的学习与理解，对明年的招生工作充满了信心和激情.
这两年在一线亲力亲为招生，使我自己得到很大的磨炼。09年个人招生17个，10年在学校新的政策下积极与老师合作招生23人，从中也学到不少经验，记得在今年的招生过程中我一个月内从四川往返南昌跑了8次坐了160多个小时火车.所以我觉得符合一个招生人员能吃苦，能战斗的基本素质。有时在宣传的时候被老师驱除教室，并侮辱我，但是我没有放弃过，抓住机会又去，反正胆子大脸皮厚，我那个地方的很多高中的围墙都被我翻过，反正不把资料送到学生手里不死心，做为一个一级主管这种工作的激情激情我想是能很好的感然和激励团队的。
当然在这几年招生过程中也接触过很多老师。并且在假期与一些高3老师吃过饭也讨论过明年的招生工作.我是从一线走过来的我了解招生员的内心真实想法.以及在工作中各阶段遇到的不同问题 如果我应聘成功一级主管成功,我除了组建好本片区人力资源和团队培训外，更多的是能帮助他们一起开发市场，这样保证各地方招生员不会在中途放弃。
我竞聘的这个地方他是个空白区域。因为该地区没有充足的人力资源所以不能打人海战术。就当前的形式来讲，我将会在学校选取5至8名优秀有能力的学生和我一起亲赴前线开展招生工作。我希望学校的学生踊跃的参加该区域的招生工作，我准备在该片区宜宾县设立站点，因为该县有13000多考生。所以重点突破，特别是该区内的重点高中一定要宣传到位，按我以前的招生经验来看，花大精力在这些学校是值得的是必要的，原因是（这些学校的学生求学欲望和家庭条件都优越于其他高中学校的学生。）。对于其它地区我准备走老师这条路线，在宜宾我认识一位叫钟维鑫的老师，他是宜宾地区高招办的主管老师，在今年的招生的时候有与我校有过合作，合作很愉快。并且将尽最大的努力多去联系老师，以老师为纽带让我们进班去演讲，宣传我们的学校。招生过程中我们要尽力的收集学生的信息，并通过QQ，电话，飞信等和学生长期联系，多关心他们的生活与学习，主动和他们搞好关系，进而推销出蓝天的品牌。我相信只要坚持不懈，按照招生工作的流程走下去，最后肯定会有收获的。就我个人而言我从来都不相信自己招不到学生，只要我去宣传过的学校都会来人的，我性格很外向，能吃苦，善于交际，很容易就和学生打成一片，所以工作上我很有信心。从来都没有担心过。虽然学校给我的任务只有2个但是我有信心王城20个，甚至更好・・・・・・・・・・
对于接下来的工作计划暂定以下几点；
A,积极着手在学校中选取学生组建开发这个区域的队伍
B，对选取的人员做工作上的沟通和一些招生的培训
C,必须从多方面了解自己所做的区域的各高中的信息，更要了解其它大学的在这个区域的招生情况，取其精华学习。
明年将是一个富有挑战和激情的年份，在工作上我已经做好了充足的准备。我坚信我自己能把这里做好。
谢谢・・・・・・・・