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第一篇：一年级家长会家长发言稿
各位家长：
大家早上好！
欢迎在坐的各位家长来校参加我们的家长会，许多家长还慕名将孩子送到我们学校就读，这是对我们学校的信任和支持，在此先表示感谢！
孩子进入小学学习，是人生道路上的一个重要里程碑，其重要性勿庸置疑。
目前从我们了解的这个时期家长的一般情况是：
1、对孩子满怀期望，舍得投入时间、精力和金钱，但由此也出现一些无视孩子身心发展规律、特点和需要，拔苗助长、压抑孩子个性健康成长的现象。
2、关注子女的知识、智力与成绩，但对培养良好的品德行为、学习态度习惯重视不够。
3、关心子女的身体健康，对心理健康的认识与指导不足。
良好的开端是成功的一半，当你的孩子处在人生道路上一个重要的起跑线上时，应该作些什么准备？作为家长应该做些什么？
一、物质准备
除了必要的文具（如数学的学具、美术用品等），还应该为孩子提供一个安静、健康的学习环境。大人的一些娱乐活动，注意不要影响做作业的孩子。古人说"宁静致远","非学无以广才，非宁静无以成学",应该很有道理。
二、心理准备
1、注意培养孩子的自信、积极、乐观的情绪；
特别是在孩子刚进入小学的时候，年幼的他们也将面临许多挑战和困难。要多用表扬激励的方式。常言道，失败是成功之母，但对这个阶段的孩子来说，"成功"是成功之母：取得进步并得到表扬，才会对学习有兴趣、有信心，为以后的学习奠定良好的基础。要努力发现孩子的点滴进步，多鼓励孩子。对学习上出现一些困难的孩子，切记不要用伤孩子自尊的话语，这样的话语可能会毁了他的一生。
2、要培养孩子坚强的意志
学习需要付出一定的努力。要努力培养孩子勇敢、不怕困难的精神，培养孩子坚强的意志。小学在学习时间、内容上和幼儿园有很大的不同，刚开始无论是身体还是心理可能很不适应，可能会碰到不少困难，感受到压力，遇到挫折。
一个认识问题要解决，不经历风雨，怎么见彩虹？挫折是生命不可缺少的一部分，早失败，早积累人生的财富，可以早升值，这是人生投资。相反，一帆风顺的孩子，从心理学角度来说，是危险的。
作为家长要对孩子多一些关心，多了解其学习情况，多同孩子沟通，帮助他们去克服困难，遇到挫折要加以鼓励引导，在这个过程中培养孩子坚强的意志，配合教师学校做好"幻小过渡"工作。
三、态度、习惯准备
目前有许多家长往往只关注分数。其实分数和只是衡量学习情况的一个方面，要关注智力因素，也要关注非智力因素，这样才能使孩子全面发展，为以后的学习提供不竭的动力。
因此作为非智力因素的态度习惯就显得非常重要。好习惯使人受益终生。为什么有的学生会成为所谓的"差生",其根本原因是态度、习惯问题。
1、培养深厚的学习兴趣：
兴趣是最好的老师。保护孩子的好奇心，提供好书、鼓励阅读，教给基本的学习方法，采用具体、生动、形象或游戏的方式，提供展示学习效果的机会等等，激发孩子的学习兴趣。
引导孩子爱学校，也是一种方法。对孩子讲述上学是一件很愉快事，唤起孩子求学的热情。开学当天，热情地陪伴孩子到校，欣赏校园景色，并告诉他这是学习新生活的开始，会十分有趣，只要肯动脑筋，付出努力，每天会有进步。我们学校在读书台旁，自古就是一个读书学习的好地方，环境是全省乃至全国最好的，随着扩建工程的实施，今后我们学校在这方面会更具特色和优势。这些都培养孩子学习兴趣的教育资源。
2、培养孩子主动积极、努力上进
让孩子养成时间意识，做作业不拖拉，在规定的时间内完成，特别要注意不要让孩子边做作业，边吃零食、看电视、玩玩具，这种习惯非常有害。家长要经常关注学习作业情况，同时要培养孩子的责任心。要让孩子懂得，学习是学生的最重要的事情，完成作业是应尽的义务。
3、培养孩子认真细心的习惯
如让孩子做业自己检查，看清题目，认真书写、计算等，这对以后的发展非常有益。
4、培养孩子专心听讲的习惯
小学的学习内容多、教授次数也较少，不会一遍遍地重复，因此需要孩子集中注意力，关注老师的要求。小学的每个班的人数有五十多个，教师在上课时精力有限，即使眼观六路，耳听八方，也会在某些时候有疏忽，因此孩子的是否专心听讲、思想集中的程度尤其重要。这是造成学习困难的重要原因。
5、培养自主自立的习惯
带领孩子实地熟悉上学必走的路线，告诉他行走、过马路、看红绿灯等基本安全知识。逐渐让孩子自己准备好所有学习用品，并教会他整理书包。（帮助孩子扫地）
6、培养交往合作的习惯
要鼓励孩子和同学交往，一起游戏，互相交流，取长补短。同时要注意教育孩子和同学和睦相处，不自私、不任性。
7、遵守规范的习惯
家长要配合学校讲解上学的道理及基本礼仪，教育孩子遵守学校的规章制度。如课堂常规方面有：不迟到、专心听讲，积极思考，发言响亮等。
四、品德教育准备
1、严格要求
全面了解孩子，并帮助孩子正确地认识自己的优点和不足，严格要求；千万不要不分是非，为孩子护短。
要利用生活实例、影视作品中具体、生动、形象的东西帮助孩子理解对与错、是与非、善与恶等基本道德观念；
在日常生活中培养子女学会关心、学会体谅别人，养成文明礼貌、爱护公物、遵守规则等习惯。
2、以身作则
家长是孩子第一任教师，你们的孩子从心理学角度来说，处于特别善于模仿的时期，家长的一言一行对孩子的影响很大。希望各位家长能给自己的孩子予积极影响。
3、协调关系
需要说明的是，教师是人，而非神。他们面对的是50多个孩子，在目前的教育体制下，也承受着相当大的压力，尤其是我们学校的教师，家长素质高、社会对教师的期望很高，家长社会和学校对他们的要求也很高。在安排教师的时候，我们也十分重视，一年级的任课教师都是骨干教师，他们的责任心强，教学水平高。但在工作中也难免会有些不足之处。作为家长，切忌在孩子面前议论教师的不是。所以，希望各位家长要多理解、多支持、积极配合。就辅导教育孩子等问题向他们咨询，同各任课教师加强交流沟通，向教师反映孩子在家的学习情况，协调好家庭学校的关系。同时也欢迎各位对我们的工作提出意见建议，或如实反映一些情况。
我们不能去做伟大的事，但我们可以用伟大的爱去做些小事。多给即将成为小学生的孩子一点关爱，多为他们的成长作些准备。每一个成功的孩子背后都有一位成功的家长，教育好孩子是我们共同的责任，需要我们共同努力。因为我们有一个共同的信念和目标——一切为了孩子。
谢谢！
第二篇：英语演讲稿手机与课堂
To be the master of your mobile
phone
Good evening
Ladies and Gentlemen.
I feel more than glorious to stand here to deliver my speech.
My topic today is “To be the master of your mobile phone”.
First, I would like to ask you a question: If we don’t have mobile phones, can you imagine what your life would be like?
Yes, it’s hard to imagine…
In the so-called information age, people rely more and more on the small personal belongings.As we all know, Mobile phones are playing an important part in our daily life.They have been used almost by everyone all over the world.As a matter of fact, Mobiles have brought us great convenience and pleasure.Wherever we are, Mobiles make it poible for us to keep in touch with others immediately.We can text a meage instead of writing a letter, it is a popular and cheaper way to contact with each other.We can chat with our friends, read e-books, play games and listen to the radio on the mobiles.A multi-functional mobile is even like a mini-computer.With it at hand, we can surf the internet and enjoy as much information as we can.
However, every coin has two sides.Mobiles also have some bad effects on us, especially on school students.The radiation may do harm to our health.Some students are addicted to on-line chatting or games, which is not only bad for their studies and their eyes but also causes more phone rates.Students use them to chat online and bend their backs, stare at the floor regardle of the teachers’ teaching during claes which seems to be inconsiderate about everything happening around.
Some students even use mobile phones to cheat in the exam, it’s indeed a pity of the information age.
I have a lot of pals to chat with, I have many eBooks to read, I need it to kill my sleeple midnight……they answered so when asked “why do you need a cell phone?”
Excuses!
So it’s obvious that cell phones have been misused by many of us.
In my opinion, Mobile phones are made by us human beings.We should use it properly.Take myself for example, there is an English dictionary in my mobile, it is a good helper for me to learn English; when I travel with my friends, I usually take some photos with my cell phone; I have also downloaded some nice songs to my cell phone.In my spare time, it’s wonderful to enjoy the beautiful mp3 music.My dear friends, we have to admit mobile phone is a fashionable and useful invention.But it is also double-edged sword, so why not make good use of it and let it serve us well? The great era needs us to be the true master of our mobile phones.
Thank you, Thank you very much.
第三篇：演讲稿《保护动物》
演讲稿《保护动物》 尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们， 大家下午好 我们都知道，在这个蔚蓝的星球上，除了我们人类，还有许许多多美丽神奇的物种。我们喜爱忠诚的狗，乖巧的猫，而当提到毒蛇猛虎时我们又唯恐避之不及。这是这些生灵，和我们人类一同构成了这个丰富多彩的世界。然而，我们又必须面对一个残酷的现实：随着人类可续技术的发展和自身生活的需要，绝大多数的野生动物数量在急剧减少。今天，我演讲的题目就是《保护野生动物》 我们都看过海豚表演，也听说过海豚救人的故事。海豚是一种既聪明又敏感的动物。可又有多少人知道，海洋馆中的海豚有许多都死于音乐、掌声等声音造成的压力过大？日本是世界最大的捕鲸国。直至2006年，世界鲸总量为7000多头，而日本一年的捕鲸量就高达3000头。海豚作为鲸鱼的近亲，也同样难逃厄运。在日本，每年平均有2.3万条海豚被围杀。
日本的太地町，表面上处处展示出对鲸类动物的喜爱。可实际上，这里也是日本猎杀海豚最集中的地区。每年秋天，当地渔民会把前来觅食的海豚用噪音赶到一处隐蔽的海湾。其中一些海豚会被各地海洋馆挑去训练，而剩下的只能等待死神的降临。在影片《海豚湾》中，屠杀海豚的一幕被真实地记录下来。一些海豚眼看着自己的亲人被杀害，而原本蓝绿色的海水也在瞬间被染成红色。影片的一位摄影师也曾看到一只身受重伤的海豚逃出包围，但因为失血过多只能在水中一沉一浮的挣扎着游着，直至完全浸入水中。 这些被捕杀的海豚，最终会贴着鲸鱼肉的标签，销往日本各地。 再来说说我们的国家。中国自古讲究“民以食为天”，被国人吃少吃没的动物同样不在少数。 鲨鱼是海洋之王，但他们的鳍同样是一道价格不菲的菜肴，美其名曰“鱼翅”。而为了鱼翅交易堪比走私毒品的巨大利润，人们开始大肆捕猎鲨鱼。一条鲨鱼成熟需要30年，而使它窒息只要短短3分钟。网住的鲨鱼被拖上岸，割掉鱼鳍，再扔回海里，整个过程连一分钟都不到。而被扔回海里的鲨鱼有很多甚至还活着，却因为无法游泳而在很短时间内死亡。每年有近亿条惨遭捕杀，鲨鱼的数量也在50年内下降了80%。 类似的例子数不胜数。东北虎因为其骨和皮毛而在我国境内已经绝迹。近几年已无人看到集群数量超过2000的藏羚羊群。在我们盘锦，也会看到很多野味馆，而食材则是湿地中的各种鸟类和辽河中的鱼。 栖息地被破坏和各种环境污染则是除捕猎外动物数量锐减的另一大原因。 朱鹮在我国古代被视为瑞鸟，但因为农药的污染，使得鸟类蛋壳变软，孵化率急速下降。上世纪70年代，我国最后找到的野生朱鹮数量只有7只。前两天有一则新闻。有微笑天使之称的江豚，在洞庭湖水域40天就死去了12头。这对该水域原本就不到百只的种群来说更是雪上加霜。现在整个长江流域的江豚不过1200条，而这个数字也在以每年6.4%的速度下降。 我今天的演讲，在坐的各位可能会觉得很枯燥。可事实上，请大家想一想，如果我们再也听不到夏日微风中的蝉鸣，如果我们再也看不见天空飞翔的雁群，如果昔日森林只剩下荒芜的土地和森森白骨，那么我们所生存的世界，将会变成怎样一个昏暗无声的悲哀世界。
第四篇：TheFourFreedoms
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congressinformation of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
第五篇：保护动物演讲稿
动物与我们人类一样，有思想，有感情，也有它们自己的生活方式，更有自由权。以下是小编给大家带来的几篇保护动物演讲稿5篇，供大家参考借鉴。
保护动物演讲稿1
大家好!
今天，我要演讲的题目是《珍惜动物》。现在地球上有许多动物都在面临死亡，所以，我们不再保护动物，最终受害的只有我们。
而现在，人类疯狂捕捉动物，是为了什么?象牙，用动物制成的皮毛?不，都不是，是为了填饱虚荣心。为了虚荣心就能对动物做伤天害理的事情吗?那人类真是太自私了。
平均每天有五十五头大象因非法捕猎死亡。捕来的象牙会被制作成精美的象牙工艺品。可是，你是否到每一件象牙工艺品后面都有一头象悲惨的叫声和悲惨的一生。每当看到一头头大象死在人类手里，总有一天，地球会替它们加倍奉还的。其它动物也是一样的，它们也是地球妈妈的孩子，我们也是孩子。只是它们比我们先走一步，我们每灭绝一种动物，就是让世界末日更进一步。
所以，“没有买卖就没有伤害”。为了拯救地球，为了保护我们自己，保护动物，珍惜动物，还地球没有血迹的世界。
我的演讲完毕，谢谢!
保护动物演讲稿2
动物与我们人类一样，有思想，有感情，也有它们自己的生活方式，更有自由权。
我们不应该去破坏他们安详和谐的生活，我们也无权去破坏他们的生活，当然，更没有理由去指责伤害他们。
每当我们的饭桌旁摆上一道道香喷喷的菜，比如：蛇、青蛙、等动物。我们是不是应该想一想，我们每吃一种动物，就等于放走了多少对农民对庄家有害的虫。我们更是不是也应该换位思考一下，它们都在齐心协力的抓害虫，可人类不但不领情，反而把它们当做他们的食物，当作我们人类每天赚钱的东西，他们是多么可恶呀!
如今，地球上的许多生物已经很罕见了，甚至有的已经濒临灭绝了!如果地球上没有了动物，地球将会变成什么样，人类又将会变成什么样?
我想，是我们人类好好反省的时候了，如果再这样下去的话，我们将会成为动物们的敌人了，更别谈什么“与狼共舞”
人类，快点醒醒吧!保护野生动物，现在开始，还来得及!
保护动物演讲稿3
动物，它们是我们的朋友;动物，我们要保护它们;动物，也有尊严;动物;也有血有肉;动物，它跟我们一样，也是一条生命啊。
人们常常捕杀那些可怜的小动物，在他们的脑子里，只想着杀了他们赚钱，他们似乎已经丧失意志。如果我亲眼看见他们捕杀动物，我会问他们：“难道他们没有家人吗?你没有体验过骨肉分离的滋味，你想过那是什么滋味儿吗?它们也有血有肉、它们也知道感恩，你想过在他们即将被你们杀死的时候，心里会想些什么吗?你们不知道，有那么多无辜的小动物经过你的手被杀死，难道他们有罪吗?难道他们生下来就应该被残害吗?难道你们不该被遭报应吗?
你们可以换位思考一下，假如你是一条无辜的小动物，在你生下来的那一刻，你亲眼看见你的母亲死于非命或你被那些人给杀害了，你们心里会怎么想?你们就会亲身体验到骨肉分离的滋味吧?既然你想到这些，你们就该好好反思反思，那些无辜的小生命就该死于你们这些心肠狠毒的人手里吗?就算它们该死，也轮不到你们动手。我不知道你们知不知道，那些小生命临死之前会是什么样的神情?你们不知道，为什么?因为你们没血没肉，你们杀了那么多无辜的小动物，该死的人不是它们，而是你们，因为当你给它们东西的时候，他们会知道感恩。
也许你们会想，就是一条畜生，有什么好值钱的?杀就杀呗，反正还能给我赚点钱，你们这样想就错了，不只错，而且大错特错。对，他们虽然是畜生，它们好歹是条生命，对，它们虽不值钱，但它们不该死……
好啦，话不多说，我希望那些捕杀小动物的人，你们早一点改过自新，不然，你们早晚受到法律的制裁。
保护动物演讲稿4
我爸爸从市场上给我买了一只小乌龟，我高兴极了.
这只小乌龟非常可爱.大大的龟壳，小小的脑袋，还有有力的四肢.让我疑惑不解的是小乌龟不胆小，我用手碰它的头，它也不肯把头缩回去.小乌龟全身碧绿，只有肚子比较白.眼睛比较小，它的眼睛一只睁着，一只闭着，我想它可能是生病了.
有一次，我给小乌龟换水，我把小乌龟拿出来，它却想把头伸过来咬我的手，我想它可能饿了，便让妈妈切一块肉，我就让乌龟把肉叼住，可是它咬住了并不往里吞，我觉得小乌龟比较笨.
我很喜欢我的小乌龟，我希望能让小乌龟多活几天，但不幸的事情发生了.
一次我给它换水，发现它一动也不动，我好奇的把小乌龟放在深水里，我想它应该会吐一个气泡，结果它没有吐气泡，还是一动也不动，我想它已经死了.
我很伤心，因为跟它在一起很好，我本来想让它多活一会儿，结果它却在今天死了.
我想人们有工夫养它(动物)，就要好好养它，就不要放弃它。
去年，在夏天，我在阳台晒太阳，忽然，我看见阳台前的花园出现几只小猫在玩耍，还有一只大母猫在放哨，我想这只大猫就是它们的妈妈吧.我把这件事告诉了妈妈，妈妈说：“你要喜欢的话，可以天天给它吃的，让小猫们还有大猫信任你.“我向妈妈要了一点牛奶还有剩的鱼拿去喂它.我刚走过去，看见猫早就没了，我只好把奶还有鱼放在两个盘子里，放在它们能看见的地方.不一会儿，那几只小猫还有大猫都出来了，是大猫先看见食物的，首先，它叫了几声，好像在说：“有人类给咱们食物了，快来吃吧.“小猫们立刻跑到食物跟前狼吞虎咽的吃了起来.它们一定好几天没吃了.
就这样，它们每天都来玩，来吃饭，日复一日，它们变胖了，它们已经跟我们熟了.
一次我在花园玩，忘了关门了，回来的时候，我发现家里有四只猫，，两只是花的，一只是黑的.我想去给它们挠痒，但是它们都走了，只有两只猫留下来，一只大灰猫，一只小花猫.一个月以后，只有一只常到我们家串门.
我想，动物们需要自由，不要把它们关在某个地方，要爱护动物.
保护动物演讲稿5
人与动物都是地球这个大家庭的成员，所以我们应该尊重动物，不是吗?要知道动物是我们人类的好朋友，我们更加要保护动物，爱护环境，给动物一个自由自在的家!让动物们开心.快乐.和谐的生活，让动物不再濒临灭绝!让我们和动物做一对真正的好朋友吧!
最近，我在电视上看过一部名叫《白色星球》的影片，里面讲述的是在北极中，动物们和谐生活的片段。其中包括了许许多多快要濒临灭绝的动物。也反映出了北极的美!!同时提醒警示人们保护动物.让动物们可以更加美好地生活!可是，在生活中，我们又是怎么爱护和保护动物的呢??我们不仅没有爱护和保护动物，反而变本加厉得去破坏动物门赖以生存的环境!!破坏动物们生存的家园!
确实如此，动物给予我们许多许多：羊，带给我们温暖;鱼，带给了我们食物;狗，带给了我们忠诚;鸽子，带给了我们和平.....但这一切都只是为了一个人，那就是我们自己!
有时，我会觉得，我们是多么的残忍：把小鸟关进鸟笼;把百兽之王老虎供人参观;真不知道人们是否想过：小鸟多么的可怜!!它不能在蓝天中自由的飞翔是多么可悲;而老虎呢??它本是百兽之王，现在却被放在这里，让人参观，供人欣赏，它多么渴望自由···
唉!!我真心希望，人与动物之间可以和谐相处。愿人类还动物们一片自由的蓝天!～
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第六篇：一年级家长会家长发言稿
尊敬的各位领导、各位教师、亲爱的家长朋友们：
大家好！
我是一年级二班骆姝含的家长，感激各位领导、教师的信任和各位家长的支持，让我有机会站在那里同大家一齐探讨孩子的教育问题，多谢大家。
首先，我想代表所有家长，感激全校所有的教职员工对孩子的教育和付出，我们每一个孩子取得的每一点成绩都离不开你们的谆谆教诲，多谢你们。
孩子是我们每个家庭的期望，孩子就像一棵小树，需要教师和家长的呵护和灌溉，说到教育孩子，其实我也有很多的不足，实在不敢误导大家，所以，我想简单的和大家分享下孩子在生活中的点滴变化。
有一次我接孩子放学，孩子把衣服忘在教室了，我的第一个反应就是进去帮孩子取衣服，我想可能多数家长都会跟我一样，当时毕校长正在学校门口，我跟他说明情景，毕校长反问了我一句：“孩子自我不能取吗？”当时我才意识到，孩子已经大了，作为父母我们也该适当的放手了，因为自理本事，是孩子的一项相当重要的本事，自理本事能够帮忙孩子在性格上独立，在生活上自立，对孩子有着很大的帮忙。从那以后孩子也开始主动刷自我的碗，洗自我的袜子。很多时候我们都觉得自我的孩子还小，其实不知不觉中孩子们都在成长。比如每一天早上的跑操，天气越来越冷了，看着孩子们早上顶着寒风跑操，包括我在内的很多家长朋友肯定会想：这么冷的天，孩子会不会冻着？我家孩子体质弱，能跑下来嘛？跑完操这么累，会不会影响孩子的学习啊？其实，对于我们家长来说，都想把孩子护在自我的羽翼之下，期望孩子不经受风雨和坎坷，可是我和我的孩子聊过这件事，我问孩子：“跑操的时候冷吗？”孩子说：“开始的时候有点冷，跑跑就热了。”我又问她：“你愿意跑吗？”孩子说：“不愿意，有点累。”我又问他：“那爸爸给你请假好不好？”孩子说：“不用了，我还是跑吧，教师说多锻炼对身体好，健康。”我很感动于孩子这样的变化，
放在以前孩子可能真的会让我帮他请假，这跟教师的教育和引导是分不开的。之前在网上看到过一则新闻：说一个大学生，毕业了父母给他安排了一份比较稳定的工作，谈了一个女朋友，女朋友觉得他不够成熟便提出了分手，然后他便把他的女朋友杀了。警察问他问什么这样做的时候，他说：“这辈子没人跟我说过不。”在感叹任性的可怕的同时，更重要的我觉得应当看到它对我们的警示作用，我们必须要让孩子学会坚强，学会正确对待挫折和困难。如果这么一点小困难都克服不了，以后怎样应对日益复杂的社会呢？接下来我想说一件孩子上学以来让我觉得异常高兴的一个变化，就是孩子更爱看书了，随着高考的改革，大语文时代已经来临了，阅读已经不只是一项消磨时光的爱好，更是我们的孩子今后决胜中、高考的必备本事，我对于孩子阅读习惯的培养比较重视，可是对于小孩子来说，阅读是枯燥的，尤其是读不懂的时候，可是上学以后我发现孩子开始更加主动的阅读了，这还要归功于我们学校浓厚的阅读氛围，成语接龙，古诗诵读两本校本教材，班班都有的图书角，走廊随处可见、触手可及的图书，每一天的阅读课，都为我们的孩子供给了良好的阅读条件和阅读氛围，不得不说学校在这方应对于孩子的培养是十分能够体现时代特点的。感激学校为我们的孩子创造了这么好的条件。
最终，也是最为让我感动的孩子的一个变化，孩子开始越来越懂得感恩了，感恩于父母为他创造的完美生活，感恩于父母对他无微不至的关怀，感恩于父母对他的教诲。此刻，我们的生活条件好了，作为家长总想着为孩子创造更优越的生活，给他最好的，可是孩子对你说过一声多谢吗？也许有人说，我愿意为孩子付出，不求回报，这是我们的想法，我们能够不求回报，可是，这不能作为孩子不知感恩的借口，不懂感恩的人不会被别人认可，不懂感恩的人不会得到别人第二次的帮忙，不懂感恩的人会被社会抛弃。说到这我想真心的再次感激所有给与孩子们教育的教师，是你们给孩子们上了人生至关重要的一课，作为家长很难意识到的一课，多谢。
推荐专题： 自我介绍的英语作文 关于自由的英语演讲稿