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第一篇：山西交通与山西物流
山西交通与山西物流
论文关键词：山西；交通；物流；发展；探索。
论文摘要：探讨了山西省的交通与物流的现况与发展，以及物流园区、配送中心及物流信息平台的建设与发展模式，介绍了城市物流配送及农村物流试点的现状，并对区域交通物流发展进行了探索。
发展现代物流是落实科学发展观，构建和谐社会的有效途径，也是进行资源整合，促进产业结构调整，实现山西经济、社会跨越式发展的必然选择。山西省委、省政府、省交通厅领导高度重视山西省物流业的发展，积极引导、大力推进现代交通物流的发展，在规划研究、物流园区建设、城市物流配送、农村物流试点等方面做了一些工作，进行了积极的实践和有益的探索。
一．山西交通
2 .山西交通的发展：
山西的交通是在落后、封闭的基础上艰难起步，逐步发展起来的。1949年4月，山西全境解放时，全省能断断续续通车的公路只有1288公里。由于连年战争的破坏，重要的干线公路均不能全线贯通。有1/3的县城不通公路，有的县连大车路都没有。全省国营运输企业只有100余辆从国民党政权手中接管过来的破旧杂牌汽车，大部分马车也散落在民间。面对这种情况，山西公路交通部门认真贯彻党的各项方针政策，自力更生，发动群众，首先对太原至大同、军渡、风陵渡等几条重要干线公路进行了抢修，以较快的速度恢复了通车。此后对全省公路进行了整修和分期改善。经过3年恢复，全省公路主要干线均已畅通。从1953年国家实行第一个五年建设计划开始，在国家财力、物力不足的情况下，山西公路交通部门坚持“先求其通，后求其畅”、“充分利用原有道路，重点解决薄弱环节”的原则，认真贯彻党中央、国务院“分期改善，逐步提高”和“依靠民力，就地取材”的方针，有计划、有步骤地开展了山区道路修建工作，并对全省公路有重点地进行了改善。
党的十一届三中全会之后，在国民经济“调整、改革、整顿、提高”的方针指引下，山西公路交通工作有了较快发展。但是，进入80年代以后，由于煤炭产量和社会物资运输量增加，交通运输滞后的矛盾显得越来越突出。1980年，全省27261公里里程中，四级公路和等外路占到77%以上。到1983年，全省有路面里程仅占60%，尚有11091公里为土路，11个县不通油路，1240个乡镇不通公路，4203个行政村不通机动车。许多干线公路日交通量超过设计标准几倍、十几倍。通向河北、北京、天津、河南等邻省的重点公路，因通过能力小，经常出现堵塞现象。如太旧路原路，小堵天天有，大堵三六九，最长一次堵车整整七天七夜，引起国际舆论关注。其他出省通道，大部分为低等级公路或断头路。落后的交通，成为能源重化工基地建设的主要制约因素之一。一方面，晋煤和其他外运物资大量积压，仅1983年，全省积压待运煤就有3000余万吨，不少煤矿积煤出现自燃和被洪水冲走；另一方面，全国各地对晋煤的迫切需求得不到有效解决。面对严峻现实，山西省委、省政府决心打破全省公路交通的半封闭状态，在加强省内干线和县乡公路建设的同时，打开通向省外的出口，并制定了修建10条晋煤外运公路的规划。从此，山西公路交通围绕能源重化工基地建设，进入了全面发展的新阶段。省交通厅在集中投资和技术力量的同时，对施工管理体制进行了大胆改革，对各项工程采取公开招标和地(市)县承包的办法，有效地调动了地方政府的积极性，大大加快了工程进度，降低了工程造价。
（1） 山西交通发展的指导思想：是“一个统领、五个统筹、三个并重、三个加快、一个体系”。即认真贯彻党的十六届五中全会和省委八届七次全会精神，以科学发展观为统领，统筹经济社会与交通发展，统筹区域经济与交通发展，统筹城镇化建设与交通发展，统筹新农村建设与交通发展，统筹资源环境与交通和谐发展，坚持高速公路、干线公路、农村公路“三网”并重，建设与养护管理并重，建设与运输发展并重的方针，加快推进改革创新，加快推进扩大开放，加快推进结构调整与增长方式转变，着力构建新型能源和工业基地交通运输支撑保障服务体系。
（2）发展的总体要求是：“一条主线、两个平台、三个基础、四项工程、五项创新、六大网络”。即紧紧围绕构建新型能源和工业基地交通运输支撑保障服务体系这条主线，加快建立交通发展的科技平台、人才平台，切实抓好安全、质量、廉政三项基础工作，大力实施高速公路网络化工程、干线公路改造养护工程、农村公路通达通畅工程、运输产业规模化集约化工程，积极推进理念、科技、机制、融资、管理五项创新，努力形成功能较为完善的高速公路、干线公路、农村公路、运输站场、现代物流、信息服务六大网络，树立负责任、有作为、勤政廉洁、文明和谐的行业新形象。
（3） 交通发展的总体目标是：到2010年，交通运输基本适应经济社会发展要求。
公路建设。五年完成投资900亿元，新增公路通车里程11000公里；建设高速公路2200公里，其中建成1300余公里；新改建干线公路5000公里、农村公路50000公里。到2010年，我省公路通车里程达到80000公里，路网密度达到50公里/百平方公里，高速公路达到3000公里；二级以上高等级公路里程达到16000公里，占公路通车总里程的20%；路面铺装里程达到56000公里，占公路通车总里程的70%。我省高速公路网 “九横九环”建成“五横五环”；90%干线公路达到二级以上标准，70 %县乡公路实现油路化，90%建制村通水泥(油)路。在省会到市3小时高速通达的基础上，实现市到县2小时、县到乡1小时通达。
公路养护。加大公路养护投入，高速公路养护质量指数(RQI)达到93。干线公路养护实现良性循环，2010年好路率达到85%。县公路好路率、乡村公路路面完好率分别达到75%。全省公路宜林路段绿化率达到100%，文明路达到8000公里。
运输站场建设。全省实现市市有一级客运站、县县有二级客运站、50%的乡镇有等
级客运站、85%的建制村有候车亭(牌)，初步构筑起省市两级物流基础平台和信息平台。
道路运输发展。运力结构、组织结构进一步优化，高级长途客车在全省营运客车中
的比重增长3%；城际客运和旅游客运中高级客车达到90%；专用货车在营运货车中的比重增长20%，重型车增长30%；长途客运和货运市场集中度分别提高15%。全省实现中型城市之间当日往返，95%的建制村通客车。
水运建设。重点水域的渡运设施得到全面改善，水上交通安全监管水平明显提高。
科教创新。适应全省交通现代化建设需求、符合交通科技发展规律的科技创新体系基本形成，自主创新能力明显提高，数字交通技术实用化程度和行业管理信息化达到新水平，交通安全保障、资源利用和环保节能技术取得明显进步，推动交通向运输安全型、质量效益型、资源节约型、环境友好型方向发展。
人才队伍建设。进一步健全和完善人才引进、培养、使用、成长的机制和环境，形
成一支具有行业特色、结构合理、素质优良的管理型人才队伍、专业技术型人才队伍和技能型人才队伍，人才在交通改革发展中的地位和作用更加凸显。
行业文明及廉政建设。职工思想道德、科学文化、民主法制素质和行业文明程度明显提
高，教育制度监督并重的惩治和预防腐败体系基本形成，“两个负责任”的行业形象得到树立。
二．山西物流
2.山西物流的发展：
近年来山西省物流业出现繁荣景象，物流业增加值随着快速增长经济总量呈现强劲增长势头，08年山西省地区生产总值高度6939亿元比上年增长8.3%，其中第三产业增加值2370亿元增长10.6%，其中物流业增加值638亿元全省全年向省外运输煤炭5.33亿吨，外运煤炭占原煤产量比重81.3%，煤炭外运量约占到全国省级调出量七成左右，向省外运储焦炭，外运焦炭占焦炭总量比重76.7%，全省全年交通运输仓储和邮政业增加值467.52亿元。公路、线路12.5万公里其中高速公路，这利民有这么几个特点。
一是物流配送业发展，山西商贸物流工业利用现代物流发展新型流通，在连锁经营基础上加快了物流配送中心的建设，完善了商品配送，目前我省个各类连锁企业一百万家连锁门店一千万个，商品物流配送中心一百个多，形成了山西物产综合陪送，物流大型无形配送中心。
二第三方物流开始起步，省大型物流集团逐步向现代物流业过渡，一些大型运输集团，依托遍布全国运输网向专业化物流发展，太原烟草物流，中铁物流专业企业发展迅速，危险品物流也日益专业化，小件快递物流专著配送第三方物流正在形成，连锁企业零售物流形成配送规模，以中国物流信息联盟网为代表物流公共信息平台发挥越来越大作用。
第三点就是物流信息化体的进展，目前山西省1300多户运输服务企业，山西物流信息网每天发布信息6万亿条，注册企业上万家，每天发布全国物流信息达26万个，太钢西山煤矿，南丰集团投入大量资金建设物流信息体系，积极采用以ERP管理软件提高了生产销售供应链各环节的速度，物流现代化水平不断提高。
第四点物流业对外开放卖出新步伐，招商引资政策不断完善，物流业以列入外商投资领域，中外敦豪，沃尔玛，世界五百强国内外著名大公司相继入住太原大同城市太原高新区物流园区，太原经济技术开发区凭借区域优势，技术资源良好，引资环境逐渐成为山西省新材料加工，生物医药新型行业物流中心。山西物流领域逐步成为外资最干感兴趣领域之一，山西省物流业生处于发展阶段，与发达国家沿海省区比有很大差距。
物流资源分散物流成本较高，山西物流工业企业成本，全国物流总费用占GDP18.3%，我们山西工业企业物流企业高达40%，而国际发达国家水平在10—12左右，物流企业之间基本没有分工和没有规模化，自成体系，二是物流社会化、专业化程度不高，企业管理观念落后与物流社会化、专业化程度低互相为影响。三是物流形态比较落后，服务功能单一，传统方式的货物运输合仓储量占物流量比重偏高，增值功能货物配送加工量偏低，第三方物流发展十分薄弱，四区域物流组织化程度，政府之间行业协会之间，以及政府协会行业之间缺乏自觉沟通合作，五是物流专业人才短缺，除出储存、运输、配送人才短缺相关系统化管理人才，掌握商品配送资金周转成本核算相关知识国际性午物流人才更紧缺.
三，交通物流的发展与探究
1物流平台的建设及发展
经济全球化、贸易自由化，西部大开发、中部崛起战略及筹办奥运和京、津等环渤海地区经济的发展为山西省发展物现代流业创造了条件。物流平台的建设是山西省发展现代物流的核心，物流平台的建设主要包括以下方面。
1.1物流园区建设。“十五”期间，山西省交通厅根据全省经济发展状况，在经过充分调研和科学论证的基础上，提出了建设太原、大同、侯马三大物流园区的构想，并进行了积极的实施工作。2002年经省政府批准，成立了“山西省物流中心”，专门运作物流园区的建设与管理工作。到目前，太原物流园区——太原公路主枢纽武宿货运中心项目初步设计和可行性论证已经完成，规划占地2 000~2 600亩，一期工程的核心功能区建设占地面积481.5亩。按照省发改委对项目可研的批复要求，项目总体布局分为：国际物流公路港暨集装箱运输区、区域整车零担货运配载区、城市仓储物流配送区、综合管理服务区等四大功能区，现在正准备动工建设。到2008年，随着作为奥运会备降机场的太原机场改扩建工程项目的完工，太原机场将延伸至物流基地，物流基地经过建设和发展，以及精心培育和市场壮大，将成为面向俄罗斯、服务于全国的现代化国际物流中心，做到物流服务的市场份额占太原市及周边地区60%以上。
侯马市公路枢纽货运中心目前已经过文物专家的勘探，一期核心功能区占地300亩，前期工作基本完成，即将进入建设准备阶段。
大同公路主枢纽马连庄货运中心规划已经过专家可行性论证，该中心占地750亩，一期核心功能区占地450亩，前期工作基本完成，正在积极筹建中。
1.2配送中心的建设。目前运行较好的有太原市万柏林货运交易中心：该中心2001年成立，位于河西晋祠路，占地50亩，拥有库房4 340平方米、停车场1.8万平方米、服务区
2 700平方米、办公用房1 500平方米，主要功能是：货运代理、货运信息、货物仓储、零担快运、物流配送、装卸、包装、加工等综合物流服务。中心共有各类经营户160多户，安排下岗人员2 000多人；平均日车流量1 000多辆，日货运量1.2万吨，年营业额达15亿元。该中心已经和全国45个公路主枢纽建立了货运联盟，日发布货运信息2 600多条，成交率80%以上，外地车辆回程配载率达90%以上。
迎泽物流中心。该中心位于太原市迎泽区松庄，2002年完成一期工程、2004年完成二期工程，规划占地200亩，已经完成70亩，投资近2 000万元，由山西省汽车运输集团控股。主要从事：货运信息、货物中转、货物快运、仓储、装卸、保管、配送等综合物流服务。日进出车辆1 500多辆，从业人员1 200多人，年货物吞吐量150多万吨。已经和全国40多家较大的货运市场实现了信息联网，并开通了货运专线80多条。成为山西物流市场的一颗新星。
除省会城市太原外，其他地级市的物流市场也是红红火火，如晋城市城区物流货运市场吸引了河南等省40余户物流企业场内落户，打通了山西和河南的经济走廊，连接了三晋和中原两个经济圈。目前，晋城市城区物流货运市场已成功开通了6条主干线路，辐射北京、天津、上海、广州、西安、郑州、石家庄、太原等20多个城市。从市场投入使用至今，每天货物成交量达500吨以上，代收货款380万元，运输车辆出入市场800辆次，市场运送货物涉及10个行业25个大类近千种商品。
1.3物流信息平台建设。为了提高货运车辆实载、减少空驶率，大力发展货运信息配载和货运服务组织。我们和清华紫光合作，在充分利用现有的信息基础设施的基础上，以市场为主导，以用户为中心，建成了以计算机为支撑的物流专用信息网络平台——中国物流互联网，在运输、仓储、装卸、加工、整理、配送、车辆调度、路径选择等方面，广泛地应用信息技术，深入开发各种相关的信息资源，并在流通领域及其相关领域做到信息资源共享，推进山西省物流业宽带化、数字化、信息化、网络化进程，提供了高效、便捷、准确、及时、功能完善的现代物流信息服务。目前加入网络的山西省信息服务业户有1 000多户、全国其
他省市的2万多户，每天发布全国物流信息15万条，其中山西物流信息2万余条。大大推进了山西省物流业的发展水平 。
祁县60多户信息服务业户为其货运物流业发展带来了巨大的经济效益和社会效益，到2006年3月底，全县营业性货运车辆达到3 800辆，从业人员1万多人，仅2005年税收就达3 700万元，占全县财政收入（2.5亿元）的15%，成为该县六大支柱产业之一。货运物流业的发展，不仅增加了财政收入，带动了相关产业的发展，而且扩大了就业、增加了农民收入，使全县经济进入了良性循环的发展轨道。下一步，该县要整合物流资源，发展规模化、集约化、现代化的物流公司，该公司正在积极筹备中。
2城市物流配送及农村物流试点
从1999年开始，我们就致力于城市物流货运中心的建设与发展，引导和推动农村物流和城市配送的发展。主要工作包括以下方面：
2.1积极引导，大力发展专业物流配送企业。交通运管部门在依法管理的过程中，对货运经营户经济提供经济和社会发展信息，引导企业进行运力结构调整，发展专业物流。如：太原市的智海物流（城市混凝土配送）、烟草物流（烟草配送）、盛唐物流、中铁快运、宅急送、邮政物流等城市专业物流配送企业正在迅速发展起来。危险品物流也日益专业化、单一化：石油公司汽车队（汽油、柴油配送）、花园液化气供应站（液化气罐配送）、爆炸品配送等。同时各个大型商场、市场周围的货运出租车也发展了起来，大同市成立了三家专业出租货运公司，实行公司经营，“五统一”管理，进行规范化的城市物流配送服务；太原市制定了相应的管理办法并报经市政府法制办进行了审核，有望很快出台，该办法出台后将对太原市市内物流配送实行统
一、规范化管理和服务。
2.2鼓励运输企业向现代物流业进军，大力发展第三方物流。为了引导运输企业我们根据各企业不同的特点和情况，按照交通部《道路运输企业发展现代物流试点工作方案》，按照“企业自愿，部门推荐，按需选择”的原则，经过企业申请、市地运管处推荐、省运管局审核，决定“山西汽运集团太原汽车运输有限责任公司、山西汽运集团临汾汽车运输有限责任公司、山西省长治市第一汽车运输有限公司、太原钢铁集团有限公司汽车运输分公司”等五家道路货运企业作为山西省发展现代物流工作的试点企业。通过试点，太原公司在物流快运、专线物流方面，临汾晋临运货运有限公司在特种物流方面、长治市一运在煤炭合同物流方面，太钢运输公司在企业内部物流方面都取得了较好的成绩。
2.3积极推进农村物流业的快速发展。农民解决了温饱问题、实现了村通公路、村通客车后，最大的愿望就是致富奔小康，物流以最快捷、最经济的方式将农产品运出去、把农用物资运进来，得以实现他们致富奔小康的愿望。因此，大力发展农村物流，意义非常重大。
山西省各级运管机构积极进行探索和研究，农村物流表现出良好的发展势头。如：山西省朔州市应县的南河种蔬菜批发交易物流园，集运输、包装、加工、销售、经营、信息、仓储、服务停车、后勤保障于一体，仅次于山东寿光的全国较大的蔬菜批发市场，园区拥有1个建筑面积2 000平方米的办公楼，35个建筑面积90平方米的交易站，1个建筑面积40 000平方米的交易平台，5座预冷恒温贮藏库。蔬菜交易季节市场日平均发车200余辆，年交易吞吐量近2亿斤，上缴国家税收200多万元，同时解决待业、下岗人员再就业达1 000多人，市场可及时发货直达全国近26个省市的100余个中心城市。平顺县借政府之力，鼓励、规范农村物流发展，目前已建立起大宗货物运输服务中心、粮食购销服务中心等五大物流机构，使全县涉矿产品物流和农产品（花椒、党参、核桃、小杂粮）物流形成一个有机的整体。运城市的果品物流，吕梁市的红枣、核桃、小杂粮等农产品物流，晋中市的供销社物流等正在进一步发展壮大起来，为农民致富奔小康发挥着越来越大的作用。到今年年底，全省计划培育和发展农村物流网点11个，总结经验后在全省推广。
2.4组建了战略物资道路运输保障车队。2005年3月，省交通厅在认真调研和充分论证
的基础上，出台了《山西省构建战略物资道路运输保障车队试点工作实施方案》，确定在大同市、临汾市、晋城市三个市进行试点。根据山西省重点物资——煤炭、紧急物资、战备物资等的分布和供需实际，确定在全省组建12支战略物资运输保障车队，总运力600辆15 000多个吨位。11个市各设一个50辆车的车队，省里组建一个危货运输保障车队。到目前为止，大同市、临汾市、晋城市三个试点车队已成功组建，并于2005年的8月、10月分别进行了车队集结演习和模拟实战演练，取得了很好的成绩，收到了很好的效果，为山西省重点物资和战略物资运输提供了坚实的保障基础。
3区域交通物流发展建议
通过山西省多年来的实践和探索，总结出发展区域物流的几点建议：
（1）政府积极筹措资金投入公共设施建设部分，特别是要加大对货运站场等物流基础设施的投入。同时制定物流企业税收优惠政策和物流人才引进优惠政策，坚持“谁投资、谁受益”的原则，引导非公有资金进入物流基础设施建设领域，加快网络建设，促进物流业快速发展。
（2）各级政府和有关部门要积极推动物流标准化工作，推广托盘一贯化，物流信息标准化，制定物流条码标准以及物流信息交换标准。
（3）积极推动多式联运，构建现代综合运输网络体系。积极开展铁路、公路、水路、航空、各种运输方式的联运，形成综合运输网络体系；组建跨区域、跨部门的物流运营集团，进行集约化经营。
（4）整合现有运输、仓储资源，发展现代物流。积极引导交通运输、仓储配送、货运代理、多式联运等企业，延伸服务功能，增加服务产品，强化物流意识，改变经营战略，彻底摆脱小规模、低层次的恶性竞争模式，提供优质高效的物流服务。
广西演讲稿
泰山演讲稿
矿山演讲稿
西安活动演讲稿
父爱如山演讲稿
第二篇：名人励志演讲稿
中国名人演讲网是中国第一家名人演讲专业机构、中国最大的演讲名人提供商，网站秉承“用智慧改变世界”的理念，坚持“用演讲传递名人智慧、让名人走进寻常百姓、把世界的名人请进中国、让中国的名人走向世界”的工作宗旨，名人演讲网。网站依托百年名校武汉大学的丰富资源，在组织高端演讲、策划大型论坛、名人经纪、名人研究、讲师经纪、培训咨询等方面有着雄厚的实力。网站与国外500多家名人演讲机构建立了信息、业务、学术上的密切合作，网站旗下有国内外一流名人近3000人，范围包括政界、商界、学术界、文化界、科技界、体育界、军界、媒体界、管理培训界等多个领域，涉及60多个国家和地区。
近年来，网站组织和参与组织了天津达沃斯论坛、WTO北京国际论坛、亚洲教育论坛、亚布力中国企业家论坛、国际中国哲学学会年会等在国内外有较大影响力的活动，组织国际名人、政界领导、两院院士、经济学家、企业家、文化学者、军事专家、培训名师的大型演讲近千场，为两百多家企业提供了高端的培训和咨询服务，受到社会各界的一致肯定。
昨天举行的第三届中国绿色发展高层论坛通过“昆明宣言”，再次向世界发出绿色发展倡议。宣言提出：各级政府推行“绿色新政”，各类企业践行“绿色责任”，各个媒体传播“绿色文明”推动绿色，始终是中国绿色发展高层论坛的努力方向。昨天举行的第三届中国绿色发展高层论坛在低碳经济时代领军城市昆明通过“昆明宣言”，再次向世界发出绿色发展倡议。
“昆明宣言”指出，当今世界，在经济发展与资源环境矛盾日益突出的情况下，发展绿色经济已成为一个重要趋势。如何在生态环境容量和资源承载力的约束条件下，坚持走以人为本、推动环境保护作为实现可持续发展重要支柱的新型发展之路，是实现世界和平发展和现代化的客观要求和必然选择。为此，倡议各级政府、各类企业以及媒体共同努力，实现“绿色梦想”。
宣言指出，各级政府应积极探索绿色发展模式、构筑绿色产业体系，推动绿色产业发展。应抓住绿色经济发展带来的契机，开展绿色发展合作，引导绿色投资，培育新能源、新材料、节能环保等绿色产业新的增长点，建立健全绿色发展机制，加强绿色发展管理执法，实行绿色发展科学考核。
宣言倡议各类企业牢固树立生态文明理念，倡导绿色消费。企业应勇于承担绿色责任，积极开展绿色创新，大力推广绿色技术，加强绿色管理，生产绿色产品，把节约文化、环境道德纳入社会运行的公序良俗，把资源承载能力、生态环境容量作为经济活动的重要条件，引导公众自觉选择节约环保、低碳排放的消费模式。
宣言提出，媒体应广泛传播绿色文明理念，形成有利于绿色经济发展的舆论环境，争当绿色文化传播的使者，开展绿色教育，示范绿色实践。在所覆盖的范围内进行全方位、多层次的宣传，形成绿色传播网络，为提高公众的资源、环境、可持续发展意识而努力。
第三篇：核桃园镇山西小学师德演讲稿开洪岗
核桃园镇山西小学师德演讲稿：
2016年9月8日（第二周星期四下午5：30） 主讲人：开洪岗
主
题：孝
德 （感恩父母）
一、孝德文章
贴在窗户上的两张脸
父母已是八十多岁的老人了。我和老人住在同一个小城里，相隔不过几百米，但却很少回家。有时，偶尔回趟家，也是风风火火的。讲不了几句话，手机响了。对着手机，一阵叽里呱啦，总是很忙的样子。转身，就又走开了。
每次，两位老人看到我回家，好像总有许多事要问，而我总是三言两语给打发了。老人还是像有什么不放心似的，但看到我一副不耐烦的样子，又有一种怯怯的表情，好像生怕打扰了我。
不经意地发现，每次回家，家里的大门总是打开了一半。我根本不用去敲门，只需将门轻轻一推，就进了屋。
这样的事，遇到的次数多了，我就疑惑地问道：“大门怎么总没关好？我每次回来，都发现你们的大门是开的。”
两位老人听了，相视一笑，说道：“没关系，这门是刚打开，你就来了。” 一次，我骑车顺便到父母家。把车停好，下意识地把头一抬，我一下子楞住了。只见楼上的窗户上，紧紧贴着父母的两张脸。这是两张什么样的脸啊！苍老、憔悴，花白的头发，脸上布满了皱纹。这两张脸紧紧地贴在窗户上，一动不动地望着窗外。
心想，他们在看什么呢？忽然，发现母亲的脸不见了，只剩下父亲一张孤单的脸。但这张脸上有了笑容，这笑容像绽放的菊花，贴在窗户上。
我上了楼，正要敲门，发现门已经开了一条缝隙。我推开门，只见两位老人正站在客厅里看着我笑哩！
我说：“刚才你们在窗户上往外看什么呢？”
父亲一愣，有点不好意思地说道：“你看到了？我们这是在看你哩！” “什么？看我干什么？”我疑惑地问道。
“看你来了，我们好给你开门啊，这样，你就可以多待会了。”母亲一脸笑容地望着我说。
我一下子楞在那里。原来，两位老人为了能让我和他们多待会，多说几句话，每天就这样眼巴巴地望着窗外，渴望看到他们儿子的身影，一旦看到了，就会用最快的速度去开门，这样就能省下一点时间。
想到这儿，我的眼睛有些湿润。我扭过头，将手伸进口袋，把手机悄悄地关上。然后，拉过一条凳子坐了下来。
母亲站在一边，有种怯怯的样子，说道：“你要有事就去办吧，不要耽误了你的事。”我笑道：“今天我真是一点事也没有，就是专门过来多坐会儿。”
父亲听了，满脸兴奋地说道：“真的吗？那就多做会儿。”
一眨眼，父亲竟颤巍巍地给我泡了一杯茶。两位老人也就势坐了下来，围拢在我身边。
和两位老人说着话，拉起了家长里短。说到我小时候调皮、不听话，父亲使劲儿打我屁股的事，两位老人开心地笑了，还笑出了眼泪。母亲不停地揩拭着眼角，嗔怪父亲下手太重。父亲咧着没牙的嘴，呵呵地憨笑着。冷清的屋子，一下子有了明媚、温暖的感觉。
这么多年，我一直以忙为借口，总不愿在父母家多坐会儿。而两位老人，却每天眼巴巴地将脸贴在窗户上，望着窗外。那是一种多么漫长，甚至是无望的等待啊！他们这是在等什么？等爱！对，他们是在等爱。等来自儿女的爱、儿女的情、儿女的暖。有爱的生活，才会是温馨的、明媚的、旖旎的。想到这儿，我的眼眶顿时濡湿了，眼前变得一片朦胧。
二、切身体会与行动
正如一首歌所唱，作为晚辈，作为孩子，我们应该常回家看看，父母期盼着我们，我基本上除了特殊情况，每周五都先去巨野接上对象和孩子，然后直接回大义老家。
周五的时候父亲比较含蓄，在家里做饭，母亲明知道打完电话还得一会到家，却已经迫不及待的在街口等待，当我们到家时，母亲总是第一时间拉着孩子回家。 在家里，吃着父母做的菜，熟悉的味道，心中所有的委屈，工作中所有的压力与重负，顿然释放，这样的感觉，这种稀释功能，只有在家里，在父母面前，才会出现，这就是我们每个人内心深处最真的家的感觉。仔细想想为什么会有这样的感觉？因为在父母面前，我们无论多大，都还是孩子，都可以无拘无束，彻底放松。
有一次我回家后，父亲已经倒好了酒，而我空着自己的杯子，没倒酒，父亲喝一口酒，我端过来他的杯子也喝一口，爷俩共用一杯喝酒，儿子疑惑的看着，饭后儿子问我：“爸爸，不是还有酒杯吗？为什么你和爷爷用一个杯子喝酒”。我笑了笑，说：“儿子，长大了你就明白了”！
正所谓“树欲静而风不止，子欲养而亲不待”。
我们要珍惜眼前的幸福生活，珍惜一家人团团圆圆的日子。 我的演讲到此结束，谢谢大家！
第四篇：英语演讲稿：名人英语演讲稿2篇
i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal." and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam. the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on. and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us. over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live. in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight. i come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia. nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides. tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents. since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. so, i was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such. perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest georgia and east harlem. and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor. my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent. for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto: "to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier: now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam. it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land. as if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot forget that the nobel prize for peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war. could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one? can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life? and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i come tonight to speak for them. this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers. and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries. they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives. for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization. after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace. the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs. so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers. what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones? we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men. now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers. perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "communists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts. how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence? here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition. so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered. also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands. hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores. at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor. somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours. this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote: (unquote). if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war. *i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict: number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam. number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation. three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos. four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government. five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement. part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible. *as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i recommend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest. now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing. the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru. they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy. and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god. in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s. military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru. it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy come back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered. a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must come to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. true compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just." the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just. a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death. america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood. *this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. war is not the answer. communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.* these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions. it is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxism has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. with this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and
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