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第一篇：中英文演讲稿
good morning!
i"m from the pearl river beautiful chemical city, is along the yangtze river industrial development zone south of the four five (1 ) class of xx.
today, the power of love let me stand here.
it is because of the world love nature, from spring to winter, the wind snow and rain, that nature has become so colorful, beautiful;
it is because the fraternity of mankind, created world peace, away from the war suffering, so that people enjoy the achievement of science and technology, a life of happiness;
it is because of the culture of mutual love, the achievements of world civilization, language of the united states, china and the world to build a bridge for communication of information, enable people to eliminate misunderstanding, friendship;
it is because of the love," premier" lead me to the door of wisdom, make my day to spare some time, with him, and it company, swim in the english of this little world, let me feel the fullness of life and the joy of learning.
because of love, the world will be so beautiful!
早上好!
我，来自江畔明珠美丽的化工城，是沿江工业开发区南化四小五(1)班的xx。
今天，是爱的力量让我站在了这里。
正是因为天地的大爱，造化了春夏秋冬，风霜雪雨，使大自然变得色彩斑斓，美不胜收;
正是因为人类的博爱，造就了世界和平，使人们远离战争痛苦享受着科技成果,生活幸福;
正是因为文化的互爱，成就了世界文明，语言大美，搭建起中国与世界沟通信息的.桥梁，使人们消除误解，增进友谊;
正是因为“英超”之爱，引领我走入智慧之门，使我每天乐于抽出时间，与之为伴，和之为伍，畅游在英语的小天地里，让我感到了生活的充实和学习的快乐。
正是因为爱，世界才变得如此美丽!
第二篇：励志英文演讲稿
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946.
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilitiesCunsought but not recoiled fromCthe President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step ― namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars ― though not, alas, in the interval between them ― I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people ― namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice ― let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method ― the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come ― I feel eventually there will come ― the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father’s house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other’s purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings" ― to quote some good words I read here the other day ― why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain ― and I doubt not here also ― towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone ― Greece with its immortal glories ― is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts ― and facts they are ― this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace".
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
第三篇：作文演讲稿格式及范文
演讲是一种交流思想、沟通感情的重要方式，它主要是用有声语言来传达演讲者的思想感情，收到打动，感染听众之效，达到宣传、教育的目的。换言之，演讲是在公众面前就某一问题发表自己的见解的口头语言活动。好的演讲要做到以下几点：
1、内容上的现实性
演讲稿是为了说明一定的观点和态度的。
2、情感上的说服性
演讲的目的和作用就在于打动听众，使听者对讲话者的观点或态度产生认可或同情。
3、特定情景性
演讲稿是为演讲服务的，不同的演讲有不同的目的、情绪，有不同的场合和不同的听众，这些构成演讲的情景，演讲稿的写作要与这些特定情景相适应。
4、语言、结构
演讲稿还要在情绪上具有较强的感染力，语言上做到生动感人。演讲稿的结构。演讲稿的结构通常包括开场白、正文、结尾三部分。
开场白是演讲稿中很重要的部分。好的开场白能够紧紧地抓住听众的注意力，为整场演讲的成功打下基础。常用的开场白有点明主题、交代背景、提出问题等。不论哪种开场白，目的都是使听众立即了解演讲主题、引入正文、引起思考等。
演讲稿的正文也是整篇演讲的主体。主体必须有重点、有层次、有中心语句。由于演讲材料是通过口头表达的，为了便于听众理解，各段落应上下连贯，段与段之间有适当的过渡和照应。
结尾是演讲内容的收束。它起着深化主题的作用。结尾的方法有归纳法、引文法、反问法等。归纳法是概括一篇演讲的中心思想，总结强调主要观点;引文法则是引用名言警句，升华主题、留下思考;反问法是以问句引发听众思考和对演讲者观点的认同。
演讲稿的结尾也可以用感谢、展望、鼓舞等语句作结，使演讲能自然收束，给人留下深刻印象。
尊敬的各位领导，老师，亲爱的同学们：
大家好！
我是初一二班的杜嘉依，今天我演讲的题目是“学习雷锋，争做湖景好榜样”。
曾经，有这样一个人，他个头不高，却成了百万解放军中的排头兵；他的体重不足50公斤，却像一块巨石，激起了我们心灵深处的层层浪花。他的一生不长，但他的动人事迹和温暖的微笑，却永远留在了亿万人的心中！
这个人，就是――雷锋！
“雷锋出差一千里，好事做了一火车。”这是老百姓对雷锋的评价。
他在短暂的一生中助人无数。他在日记里这样诉说：“我活着，只有一个目的，就是要做一个对人民有用的人。”1963年3月5日，毛主席亲笔题词：“向雷锋同志学习。”这是对雷锋精神的至上评价！
也许有人会说：“现在已经进入了二十一世纪，人人都想着怎样为自己，谁又还会发扬雷锋精神去帮助别人呢?”
各位同学，在今天，虽然物质文明高速发展，但我们真的就不需要雷锋精神了吗?!
假如你在大街道上跌倒，生命面临危险，却没有人扶你；
假如你的钱包被小偷偷走，旁人看见却不敢吱声；
假如你在逆镜中拼搏，却得不到一丝支持和鼓励；
在座的各位，您，会是什么心情呢?
反之，在你生活失意时，有人向你伸出了真诚的援助之手，帮你从困境中解脱，你是否会因此感动，是否会重新感到世界的真诚和美好？
所以，雷锋精神，在任何一个时代都是感人的，都是必不可少的。雷锋精神是中华民族传统美德的一种积淀。
雷锋那种立足岗位艰苦奋斗的敬业精神，那种对同志、对群众像春天般温暖、助人为乐的精神，都是构建和谐社会的重要源泉。
其实，帮助别人，是一种快乐。
同学之间，在学习上互相帮助，共同提高；对有困难的人，上前帮一把，你可能会让她重新改变了对世界的看法。
我是积分入学的学生，妈妈在给我办积分入学申请时，因为种种缘故，到达指定的申靖地点时，已经是最后一天的下午5点了，当时工作人员都在准备下班。正当我妈妈灰心失望，将要放弃时，一位好心的工作人员，细心地引导她填写各种资料，办理各种手续。一切办理妥当时，已经是六点多，其他人都已经下班了。
我的妈妈经常提起这件事，总会万分感激地说到那位好心的工作人员，称他是当代的“活雷锋”。当时，他完全可以按时下班，而因为他的一片热心，我却因此有机会来到湖景，来到这座美丽的学校。
亲爱的同学们，作为一名新时代的中学生，我们是家庭的希望，是祖国的未来。在成长的道路上，我们将会遇到很多困难和考验，因此我们更要传承起雷锋精神，发扬真善美，不断攀登学习高峰，勇做生活的强者！让我们行动起来，争做湖景好榜样！
谢谢大家！
第四篇：备战中考演讲稿
“春风春雨生，春花春草浓”。再过x个月，我们就要走向XX年的中考考场，去实现我们的中考目标了。x个月后的你们将为归州中学的历史又留下辉煌灿烂的一页！你们在归州中学的岁月也会给你的人生留下重重的一笔！
今天，我们归州中学xx届九年级全体师生在这里隆重聚会，举行“争分夺秒，善思巧求，誓上高中”备战中考动员大会，目的非常明确，那就是要进一步激励我们九年级全体师生以燃烧的激情、必胜的信念、科学的方法和旺盛的斗志，去拼、去夺、去收获我们今年中考的新成果，使我校教育教学迈上一个新台阶。
同学们：中考是你们人生旅途的第一个加油站，她意味着你们的希望，你们的前途，甚至是命运，挑战六月就是挑战命运和未来，如何在中考中脱颖而出，考出理想的分数，我认为有明确的升学目标，正确的学习方法，端正的学习态度，良好的心理素质和对中考形势的正确分析，我们要以正常的心态正视中考，以顽强拚搏的精神去迎接挑战，我们的现实是机遇与挑战并存。这是因为：
一是中考竞争依然异常激烈，升高中比率特别是升一中的比率不会发生太大的变化；二是中考计分办法的变化，将给学生的迎考能力带来新的考验，怎样合理分配时间？怎样进行不同学科的思维转化；三是家长和社会的期望值较高；四是时间紧，任务重，同学们要在这七个月的时间里完成七门课程的复习和梳理，而每个知识点都要经过多次反复才能得以强化，才能运用自如，薄弱学科还需要我们花大量的精力去投入，还要参加体育测试，实验操作考试，微机考试以及综合素质评价等，而中考的倒计时已把我们步步逼向零点。同学们：“九年磨剑、六月试锋”置身于升学竞争的洪流，我们实际上已身不由己，重重困难在逼迫着我们，我们别无选择，只能破釜沉舟，背水一战，但是困难再大，也吓不倒我们，我们有能力有条件参与竞争，每个勇士都要敢于直面现实，挑战现实，挑战人生，为了在这场激烈的斗争中获得最后的胜利，使我们心中的理想化为现实，我们应该脚踏实地认真复习，利用好每一次考试，每一分钟，不断完善我们自己的知识和能力，为此，我提出以下复习备考建议：
第一，确立奋斗目标。目标是我们奋斗的方向，它给我们的动力，没有目标，我们的复习备考就会推动方向和动力。目标的确立必须符合每个人的实际，既不能太高，也不能太低。合适的目标会使我信心倍增，干劲更大。它会激励我们为之奋斗，在奋斗中我们的目标就会实现。
第二、树立必胜的信心。同学们，“信心是基石，拼搏是保障”。充满信心，是决战中考的前提，是走向成功的第一步。要相信自己的能力、相信自己的机遇、相信自己的前途，相信自己还有潜力没有被挖掘出来，要坚信凭自己的能力一定能学好各门功课。同学们，你们要牢记信心第一，勇往直前。只有拥有了信心，你才可能拥抱成功。要树立信心，不要畏惧中考，要充满信心地走进中考，你才能挥洒自如，超常发挥，考出意想不到的好成绩。青年时代的毛泽东同志曾豪迈地说：“自信人生二百年，会当击水三千里。”同学们，你们要确信自己是优秀的，并把全部精力都集中起来去证明它，你们一定会成功的。
第三、坚持积极的态度。我们说“态度决定一切”，积极端正的态度，是决战中考的保障。我真诚地希望你们，平时的学习和生活只能从中考角度着眼，所作所为都要有利于中考，与中考无关的念头不要想，与中考无关的事不要做，要以一颗火热的心去投入到紧张的复习备考中去。要热心于听课、热衷于解题、热爱自己所干的事业。但是，现在还有部分同学并不珍惜眼前的机会，显得精神不佳、作风散漫、作业拖拉，迟迟进入不了状态。时钟在不停地走，我们还有时间去拼搏、取得成功，但是我们却没有一分一秒的时间去浪费、去失败。所以，我们必须以积极端正的态度投入到中考备考复习中去。
第四、掌握科学的方法。科学的学习方法，是决战中考的法宝，毛主席曾教导我们：“苦干加巧干，坚持持久战”。意思是说在勤奋的基础上，把握学习规律，掌握学习方法，会收到事半功倍的效果。同学们，在复习中，课堂学习是关键，上课要认真听讲，作好笔记，理解老师的解题思路，养成良好的解题习惯，注意知识的积累和复现，复习备考是知识的复现，在复现中要注意知识的再现，已学过的知识，做过的习题，特别是重点内容，考试的热点，每隔一段时间就要再看看，算一算，只有经过多次反复，才能有效地使知识得到强化，概括起来说就是作好“三管”――管好自己的口，不懂就问，不留隐患；管好自己的手，老师布置的习题一定要动手做，只看不做就会出现看到题，题题都会，做起来题
题都有失误，务必要防止眼高手低；管好自己的脑，提倡独立思考，对同类问题要注意归纳比较，这样，才能将知识内心化为自己的思维能力。
同学们，决战中考的时刻很快就会来临，我们别无选择，我们只有以高昂的斗志、百倍的信心，坚定的意志，扎实的基础，完善的能力，以你们优异的成绩来实现自己的人生理想。
最后，我赠给大家几句话，一齐共勉：年轻是幸福的，春天是幸福的。然而，没有创造幸福的人，却无权享受幸福与春天。
让我们用最良好的学习状态去迎接今年6月的挑战！让我们用自己的汗水和意志去创造明年6月的辉煌！！
我的讲话完毕，谢谢大家！
第五篇：备战中考演讲稿
同学们：
下午好 ，春天好！
今天我讲的话题是：吹响号角，迎战中考！同学们，分秒的指针在飞速旋转，岁月的洪流正滚滚向前，过去的日子，己不再挽留，中考的硝烟己向我们迎面扑来。
此时，我们每一个人正处于人生的转折点，梦想与花季，未来和当代，此刻，我们不再犹豫，不再彷徨，我们的选择只能面对中考，呐喊向前。
谁说我们是一代懦夫，谁说我们是明天的忧患，请问苍茫大地。其实我们心中早己报定：“百二秦关终属楚，三千铁甲可吞吴。”从呀呀学语的蹒跚，到国旗下敬礼的庄严，从刀耕火种的山顶洞，到爱因斯坦的X加Y，我们在人生的座标上一路走来。
我们曾经跌倒哭泣，我们曾经与天上的白云一起欢颜，在多少个夜晚，我们凝望深远的星空，把明天写满；在多少个寒风习习地黎明，我们用郎郎的书声把火红的朝霞点燃。
一切的一切，都是为了今天，这一天终于来了，同学们，年轻的朋友们，中考是我们步入青春――的必经之坎，它虽然难测，但不是深渊；它虽然狰狞，但是对有志者从不伤害；它慈善而威严，笑纳我们勇敢冲关……同学们，朋友们，眼前就是中考，冲过去，冲过去啊！前边就是一片艳阳天，那是属于我们自己的崭新世界，那里有辽阔的海面，有更加绚丽的奇观。在那里你会为自己不能两次踏进同一条河流而惊叹；你会在椭圆的方程里飞翔盘旋；你还会在离子的加速面前雄心大展。
同学们，朋友们，海阔任鱼跃，天高任鸟飞，在那一片新的世界里，你会站在象牙的顶端尽情欣赏人类社会的发展，你能在茫茫人海的沉浮中把握自己辉煌的未来，如果要问这是为什么，这就是知识改变命运，文化洗白尘埃。
而决战中考，时间只有一百天！一百天！
听吧，号声己经吹响，鼓角己经齐鸣，看吧！普天之下，风雷激荡，云海翻腾。虽然我们早己整装待发，但是我们仍需随时磨拳擦枪，因为成功永远垂青于有准备的人，我们要在题海的波涛里拼搏，要在试卷的字行间深挖，让我们在模拟里融化，在酷训中重生，为了冲刺中考，我们要每分每秒思索在校园的林荫小道，质疑于春夜的甜美梦乡，让周末伴我们走进辛劳，让毅力抛弃所有的闲聊……今天，我们己经成熟，己经长大，同学们，我们一定能做一份满意的答卷，献给自己，献给爸妈，献给足下这片熟悉的土地，我们一定要勇于在冲刺中摸爬滚打，哪怕满身伤疤，前面，就是我们幸福的乐园，人生的真谛需要我们的坚强！
谢谢大家！
第六篇：励志英文演讲稿
We care about ourselves more and more. We eat what's right and we exercise. We absolutely embrace health. However, it is not only our health that we should embrace, though many of us do not realize that. Many of us do not realize that the earth we live on is a fragile being that needs to be protected like a new born child.
We probably haven't even noticed, that with each stride the civilization takes toward the ultimate development, more burdens are added to the earth that provides us with essentials to live. The decrease in air quality, the climate change, medical waste, noise and water pollution, and even food poisoning has added to the list of growing concerns to our living environment. Human are not supernatural beings, thus these problems have affected pretty much every matter. We upgrade gadgets and make full use of newer technologies, but we pay for the consequences in turn. For instance, the advent of batteries and machinery has caused million tons of water become toxic and undrinkable, further aggravating the already serious condition of water shortage and poisoning in several countries. The over-production and over-use of transportation vehicles and electricity has contributed to the Global Warming and caused myriads of species to disappear from the face of the earth due to home-loss and temperature change. We have brought wonders to the world, but have also destroyed miracles of nature. We are concerned about our nutritional intake and exercise all the time, so why shouldn't we care about the conditions of our living planet as well?
Time is ticking on. We shouldn't put off the whole "save the environment" affair any longer. Please, do what feels right in our hearts, even though it is only a tiny matter. Save up resources, promote the recycling and reusing of products, and always remember to take some time off going into the woods and breathe in the sweetness in the air. We have come from the woods, thus we would all have a secret desire in our hearts to harmonize with nature again. Remember, every little thing matters.
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