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第一篇：励志英文演讲稿
As long as you believe, there will always be a miracle, although the hope is slim, but it will last forever
American writer; Henry told a story in his novel "the last leaf >: ward, a dying patient saw the window from the room of a tree in the autumn leaf falling. The patient looked at the front of the Xiao Xiao leaves, the body will go from bad to worse. As one day. She said:" when all the leaves fall out, I will die. "Upon learning of an old painter, painting a green leaf hanging on the branch.
Finally, the leaves did not fall. Just because of this piece of green life, the patient miraculously survived
Life can not have a lot of things, but can not be without hope. Hope is an important value of human life!
第二篇：励志英文演讲稿
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946.
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilitiesCunsought but not recoiled fromCthe President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step ― namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars ― though not, alas, in the interval between them ― I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people ― namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice ― let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method ― the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come ― I feel eventually there will come ― the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father’s house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other’s purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings" ― to quote some good words I read here the other day ― why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain ― and I doubt not here also ― towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone ― Greece with its immortal glories ― is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts ― and facts they are ― this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace".
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
第三篇：自律演讲稿
尊敬的各位老师、各位学长：
中午好，首先感谢一年来各位老师对我的教育以及大二学长们对我的鼓励与支持。我来自自律会纪检部，竞选自律会主任一职。 在自律会工作一年来使我收获体会很多。纪检部的工作和管理部有些相似之处，每天都要到每个宿舍转转，虽然这种模式下学期成为了在大厅值班。但是我们还是不定期抽查几个宿舍。这一年来使我感受到，身上的责任的重大。宿舍同学的安全方面落在我们部成员的身上，真是很感谢老师对我们的信任和大二的学哥对我们的支持，使我们坚持到现在。另一方面，让我明白了，坚持与团结的重要性。没有持之以恒的毅力和其他自律会同学的支持，我想今天不会有这个机会站在这里。
今天我站在这里，不单单是为了锻炼自己，同时也是想让自己在大学的时间里，把自己的光和热全部奉献给自律会，为自律会、学生组织今后的发展奉献自己的微薄之力。
如果我竞选成为自律会主任，首先是加强新生到来后的工作，就我们这一级来看，上学期很多同学有很多时间在宿舍把时间都浪费了，我们可以加大新生到来的对新同学的宣传，因为每一个刚来大学的同学都怀揣着对大学自由民主的向往，是什么让他们宅在宿舍里，一天不出门呢？我想我们学生组织该好好考虑一下了。我们应尽全力使同学们不要宅在宿舍里，尽早树立自己的大学目标，让同学们有一个值得怀念 的大学生活。
第二，建立完善的.监督体制，把自律会主要负责人的联系方式在宿舍合适的位置公布，让同学们的建议得以表达。同时文宣部做好每周的调查工作。我们自律会每天的宿舍卫生、纪律检查都与系文明宿舍挂钩，每月都有系文明宿舍的评选都与同学们的切身利益相关，可以说我们身上有很大的权利，怎样让这个组织良性循环下去呢？那就要把监督权交给同学们，让他们对我们监督。这也跟好的体现了我们学生组织，全心全意位同学服务的宗旨。
第三，完善部门机构责任，明确规章制度。建立对自律会成员的考核体制与标准。让自律会成员，在检查中有理有据。明白其身正，不令则行；其身不正，虽令不从的道理
第四，加强对自律会的宣传力度,同时增强新成员工作的优越感，比如可以新旧成员合影留念，让同学们选出他们所支持的干事等等。
第五，加强与学生会的合作，并学习他们的长处。这一年来的工作，使我感受到我们组织的活动需要多部门的协作配合。没有部门是单一完成活动的。
最后，加强自律会以及学生组织的团结，是自律会以及学生组织更好的发展下去的保障。一方面我们竞选成功的同学要搞好团结的同时还要和竞选未成功的同学同学；另一方面，新同学到来以后，我们起到的带头团结的作用。
以上是我对自律会的一些想法，由于经验不太多，难免有些不足之处还希望老师学长批评指教。我分析了一下自己的优势，我做事稳重，相信如果我成为自律会主任，定会带领自律会一步一个脚印，稳扎稳打，把自律会带到一个新台阶。如果竞选不成功，我相信其他自律会的同学定会成功，我仍然会把自己的合理地建议通过合适的渠道反馈给他们，为自律会的发展尽一份微薄之力。
我的演讲结束，谢谢。
第四篇：自律的演讲稿
尊敬的各位老师，亲爱的同学们：
大家好！
能够站在这个演讲台上，真的很激动，也很紧张。感谢学校的领导、老师及亲爱的同学们能够给我这次展现自我的机会。下面我把自己真诚的介绍给大家。我是xx。今天我竞选的是办公室副主任。
进入大学生自律管理委员会，是我给自己定下的目标，上一学期中，我已经实现了自己随其波的梦，如今！我又开始为扬其流而奋斗。所以，今天我站在了这里来参加大学生自律管理委员会办公室副主任一职的竞选。
回顾去年的一年是我收获的一年，在这一年中大学生自律管理委员会工作的锻炼尤为重要，刚进大学生自律管理委员会时，她还不是大学生自律管理委员会，当时只是校楼委会，近一学期的工作，我不仅熟悉了他的工作性质，他的工作职能，也在一线工作中掌握了一定的经验，当时的我对文档处理只是略窥门道，如今可以说我已经熟练掌握，单从这一点你就可以看出我收获的多少。我相信我有能力做好办公室副主任这一职务。也许有的人会想“你为什么不竞选办公室主任一职”，毕竟：不想当将军的士兵，不是好士兵。借用管理学老师说的：放错了位置的.人才就等与垃圾。我想告诉大家的是：适合自己的才是最好的！在上一学期的工作中，我尝试过，发现主任一职并不适合我，而我在一旁却能很好的把工作搞好。而在这一学期的实践中，我也很好的证明了这一点！
如果我当选，我将从以下几方面着手工作：
第一，尽快了解各部新部长，新成员，对他们的性格，为人处事的方法心知肚明，以尽快的开展工作。
第二，在办公室与老师方面：在明确老师的指示下，做好上传下达工作。同时，在第一时间内把校、各系部送来的文件、邀请函等送达老师手上。最后，在老师的指导下，再次明确各部职责，从而提高各部办事效率。
第三，在办公室与各部方面：首先，加强办公室与各部之间的交流互动，从而带动各部之间的交流互动，以提高信息的传播效率，争取把力使在一起。其次，积极配合各部工作，尽力把每一次活动搞好。最后，及时传达校、各系部的活动通知、邀请信等。
第四，在办公室与广大同学方面：在做好基础信息统计的同时，加强办公室成员与同学的交流，听取采纳同学的建议批评，吸取经验教训，发挥长处，弥补不足，从而更好的为同学服务。
良玉需要和氏去发现，千里马需要伯乐去发现，可是我已经站在了这里，难道你还要众里寻他吗？
老师们！同学们！你们还在犹豫吗？提其笔写下我的名字吧！我将用自己无限的真诚与实干的精神证明你的选择是无悔的。领导们，同学们，您给我一片掌声，我还您一份真诚，您给我一个机会我将还你一份意外的惊喜！抬起头！看一下我这张充满自信的脸，并记住他的名字吧！谢谢！
最后，请大家相信我，支持我。我能并且可以把工作干好，谢谢！
第五篇：自律的演讲稿
尊敬的各位老师、亲爱的同学们：
大家上午好！今天我演讲的题目是《文明守纪，与自律同行》。
“言行规范，健康发展，学有所长”是学校对我们的要求。因此，正如今天一样，当我们迈进校门的那一刻起，我们要说，新的一天我们要从遵守纪律做起。俗话说：“没有规矩不能成方圆。”纪律是做好一切事情的保障，没有纪律的约束，是什么事情也做不好的。大家知道，鲁迅先生书桌上的“早”字，是严格自律的表现，是自觉守纪的典范，正因为这样，鲁迅先生才成为伟大的文学家、思想家、革命家。
播下一个行动，收获一种习惯；播下一种习惯，收获一种性格；播下一种性格，收获一种命运。所以，我们从现在起要养成好的行为习惯和学习习惯。然而哪些是我们小学生要养成的好习惯呢？首先是思想意识要到位。在生活、学习中我们有着各种不同的习惯，当我们做某件事情时，首先要想一想，你的做法是否对集体、对他人有利，损害集体和他人利益的事我们坚决不能做。勿以恶小而为之，勿以善小而不为。课堂上，专心听讲是对老师最大的尊重；升旗仪式上，你全神贯注、目送国旗冉冉升起，是对祖国最深的敬意。只要我们以《小学生守则》、《小学生日常行为规范》，学校的校规校纪来规范自己的行为，我们就一定能成为一名合格的小学生，我们的学校就一定能蓬勃发展、蒸蒸日上。
首先要明辨是非，要知道什么是对的，什么是错的，要从多方面来思考问题，不能被事物的表象所迷惑，从而控制自己的思念和欲望。比如能不能在自习课上控制自己讲话的欲望；能不能在干净的地面上随手扔下一张张废纸；能不能在排队打饭时抛弃插队的想法；能不能在升旗集会时始终保持严肃的态度，这些都需要自律。
其次，自律行为与顽强的意志力是分不开的，没有顽强意志力的支撑，自律只是一纸空文，也许你有了自律的意识，但行为表现出的却与自律所要求的'不相称。这时，就需要顽强的意志力做助推器，将内心的意识变为行动。
再次，要从小事做起。自古以来，律己的人都注重小节，他们明白“千里之堤溃于蚁穴”的道理。如果让小的陋习任其发展，不加以控制，那么他就像滚雪球一样越滚越大，最终造成严重后果。
最后，要经常反思。“君子博学而日参省乎已，则明而无过矣。”只有经常反省自己的过失，才会不断积累经验，更加严格要求自己。
我们都会记得，那凿刻在书桌上并激励着鲁迅先生一生的“早”字。那不只是一种提醒，他同样是一种态度，一种严格自律，可以成就大事的态度。虽然，在生活中我们有着不同的生活习惯，但遵守纪律却委实是我们每一个人应该重视而牢记的。在此，祝愿同学们能够潜下心来，坚定信念，树立目标，以静为朋，以勤为友，自律自学，努力拼搏，用自信书写属于自己的辉煌与成就！
谢谢大家！
第六篇：自律演讲稿
各位老师、同学：
罗勃朗宁曾经说过这样一句话：“一个人一旦打响了征服自我的战争，他便是值得称道的人。”的确是这样，若一个人在追求成功的道路上能够做到自我约束、自我管理，那么成功一定离他不远，或许在下一个拐角就会与其相遇。所以我认为：自律是成功的基石。然而在物质生活日益发达的今天，面对各种各样的诱惑，作为高中生我们应该如何做到自律呢？
我们现在正处于成长发育的黄金时期，但在这一阶段我们又总是缺乏明辨是非的能力，而明辨是非却又是增强自律能力必不可少的一大前提。如今的网络技术越来越发达，出现的许多同学在深夜还是用手机或是电脑浏览网页、逛空间以及贴吧的现象，这不仅会直接影响到第二天的学习效率而且更不利于自己的身体健康，而这一现象也正是不能做到明辨是非的表现。
其次，自律能力的高低与自制力的强弱也有着密不可分的联系。我们总是容易被一些事物所影响、所吸引，从而分散了自己的注意力，导致成绩下滑。或许你没有想到过，你眼中的那些“学霸”他们也有手机和自己喜爱的'事物，他们家里也有具有极强诱惑力的电子产品，他们之所以是“学霸”，是因为他们具有自制力，极强的自制力。在他们用理想约束自己的时候，而你却不亦乐乎的忙于微博和贴吧之中，你和学霸差距的产生自制力的强弱是主要因素。
而我身边就存在着一些自律能力特别强、自制力特别强的同学，例如我们班的鲁凯，他能够在每次的考试中都取得进步，不管是几名、十几名还是几十名，在我看来，这些都是来之不易的。他的不断进步与他的自我约束与管理能力是分不开的，他总是用课间去寻求课堂上未知的答案，或是替其他同学解答疑难。他并不是不爱打篮球，并不是不爱闲聊，只是因为他知道此时的自己还有更重要的事情要做，而他就是我身边的榜样，我们应向他学习，来提高自己的自律能力，不断地向成功迈进。
同学们，自律是一扇窗，打开它，你拥有的将不仅仅是窗外的风景，还有等待你的成功。
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