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第一篇：励志英文演讲稿
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946.
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilitiesCunsought but not recoiled fromCthe President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step ― namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars ― though not, alas, in the interval between them ― I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people ― namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice ― let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method ― the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come ― I feel eventually there will come ― the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father’s house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other’s purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings" ― to quote some good words I read here the other day ― why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain ― and I doubt not here also ― towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone ― Greece with its immortal glories ― is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts ― and facts they are ― this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace".
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
第二篇：大学生英语演讲稿
Nothing is difficult if you put your heart on it. Nothing is easy if youdon’t try your best.
We often hear people say，“Never give up.” This can be encouraging wordsand words of determination. A person who believes in them will keep trying toreach his goal no matter how many times he fails. In my opinion，the quality ofdetermination to succeed is an important one to have. Therefore，I believe thatwe should never give up.
One reason is that if we give up too easily，we will rarely achieveanything. It is not unusual for us to fail in our first attempt at somethingnew，so we should not feel discouraged and should try again. Besides，if wealways give up when we fail，we will not be able to develop new skills and growas people. Another reason we should never give up is that we can learn from ourmistakes only if we make a new effort. If we do not try again，the lesson wehave learned is wasted. Finally，we should never give up because as we work toreach our goals，we develop confidence，and this confidence can help us succeedin other areas of our lives.
Probably the greatest example of persistence is Abraham Lincoln. Born intopoverty，Lincoln was faced with defeat throughout his life. He lost eightelections，twice failed in business and suffered a nervous breakdown.
He could have quit many times ― but he didn't and because he didn't quit，he became one of the greatest presidents in the history of our country.
Lincoln was a champion and he never gave up.
In short，it is important that we don’t give up when working for our goals.Whether we succeed in the end or not，we will learn something，and what we learnwill help us to bee better，more confident people. Furthermore，if we give up，we have no chance of attaining our goals，but if we keep trying，there is alwaysa chance that we will succeed one day.Thank you very much！
第三篇：大学英语演讲稿
Dear teachers and fellow students.
It is human nature that all of us should be fond ofbeauty. Everybody was born with a heart forbeauty.
Today in China,with the rising of our living standard, peoples requirement ofbeautyhas been heIghtened accordingly. Some people spare no money or energy on beautiful clothes, fashionable hair styles,the decoration of their houses and even the improvement of their looks. But it seems to me,all
these are more or less confined to thebeautyin appearance,or rather,the outwardbeauty.
In my opinion,we shouldnt only pay attention to beautiful appearance and neglect the beautification of the mind and what we are after should be the perfect unity of the outwardbeautyand the innerbeauty. As we all know,so far as objects and animals are concerned,there is only beautiful appearance to be mentioned, but to us humanbeings, although the outwardbeautyreally matters, the innerbeautyis much more important. This was confirmed by a famous Russian writer in words much like this: "A person is
not lovely for being beautiful but beautiful for being lovely. "
Here, Id like to quote two typical instances and Im sure, my dear friends,from them youll find out what realbeautyis.
Recently I learned from the radio an unpleasant incident about a well known singer. She is very charming with a sweet beautiful voice and very famous for singing the song."Devotion of Love". Not long ago,she was invited to Zhejiang Province to give performance. The moment she was to appear on the stage,she suddenly asked for more reward. Worse still,after her request was satisfied, she didnt begin to sing at once. Instead,she took her time to count all the money piece by piece. Thus she kept the audience waiting for half an hour. So when she at last showed up and started to sing "Devotion of Love",a man rose up from his seat and shouted at her,"You dont have any devotion of love. You are not qualified to sing this song ! "Hearing this, the singer stopped singing and began to shout abuses with her finger pointed at the man. At this time the whole audience burst into an uproar.
How disappointed her keen listeners were when they learned this! It is the singer herself who spoiled her beautiful image in the eyes of others.
Now, Im coming to another true story. Its about a poor, ordinary looking old woman. She was a widow without any children, living barely from hand to mouth by picking odds and ends from rubbish heaps. However,she took in more than ten homeless orphans successively and managed to bring them up. Every day she labored from morning till night. In order to earn as much money as possible to raise the children and to keep them in school,she even went to a hospital regularly to sell her blood. She got so weak for the loss of blood that she sometimes fell in a faint on her way home.
第四篇：大学生英语演讲稿
老师们、同学们：
大家好！
玉兔摆尾送寒去，金龙翘首迎春来。告别平安、愉快的寒假和令人难忘的新春佳节，我们满怀着新的希望迎来了生机勃勃的20xx年。同学们，春天是播种的季节，只有用辛勤的劳动播下希望的种子，才能收获丰硕的果实。为了让我们的梦想能成为现实，在这里，我代表学校给同学们提几点希望和要求：
1、养成良好的行为习惯，做一名遵纪守法，讲文明礼貌的好学生。你们要严格按照《小学生守则》、《小学生日常行为规范》以及《西庐娃好习惯三字经》的内容来严格要求自己，不管在校内、校外都要讲文明、讲礼貌；要学会与人相处，团结同学，大同学要关爱小同学，男同学要尊重女同学；要做好个人的卫生，勤洗澡，勤换衣，衣着整洁；要讲环境卫生，不在教室、楼道、操场以及公共场所乱扔纸屑。不在教室、楼道里追逐打闹。讲纪律、讲公德、讲秩序、讲合作。这学期，学校仍将重点加强西庐娃好习惯的培养，开展西庐娃之星的评比活动。行为习惯表现好的同学通过评选后还是要张榜公布，同时颁发西庐娃奖章，成为大家学习的榜样。而行为习惯差的同学不仅要受到批评，还要扣班级常规的得分。
2、注意安全。学校历来都非常重视安全，老师天天讲安全，节假日前学校讲安全，你们一定要把安全放在心上。一定要按学校的要求去做。不管是在学校还是家里都不玩火、不玩电、不做危险性的游戏。尤其是学校里的楼道窄，学生多，不要在楼道和走廊上追逐打闹，上楼下楼要听从老师指挥，靠右行走；在公路上行走要遵守交通秩序。放学后等候家长来接或自己回家的同学，更不要随意乱跑，以免家长找不到着急。安全涉及到学习、生活的方方面面，你们时时刻刻都要将安全牢记在心，随时随地地要有安全意识，要有自我保护的意识，每天都快快乐乐、平平安安。
3、积极参加一小时校园体育活动，强身健体。学校为了保证同学们阳光体育锻炼的时间，首先开足开齐了体育课。1―2年级每周四节体育课，3―6年级每周三节体育课。其次形成了大课间活动制度，每天上午第一节下课铃响后集结号响起，我们就来到阳光下，开展大课间活动，如遇雨天则进行室内韵律操和体育游戏活动，时间共25~30分钟。第三，在没有体育课的当天，就在下午文体活动时间安排一节体育活动。同时，每天上午、下午各安排一次眼保健操。这样，确保了同学们每天一小时体育活动的时间。希望每天的一小时阳光体育校园活动同学们都能积极参加。同时下午文体活动时间学校还为同学们安排了丰富多彩的兴趣小组活动，尤其是校级的一些兴趣小组，不但可以学好本领，更可以发挥同学们的特长，在各级各类比赛中为学校争光，也希望同学们能够踊跃报名参加活动。
4、认真学习。小学阶段是人生的黄金时代，良好的开端是成功的一半。只有从小努力，好好学习，才能为将来奠定坚实的基础。希望你们用认真作桨，用坚持作帆，驾驶着知识的小舟在老师的引导下到达成功的彼岸。希望同学们明确目标、增强信心、科学安排时间，学会学习、主动学习。
5、六年级的同学们，本学期是你们小学阶段的最后一个学期，在各个方面都要为其他年级的弟弟妹妹们做出表率，更要给学校留下美好的印象。你们本学期的任务特别重，要用最短的时间完成新课的学习，同时还要进行必要的综合复习，争取在毕业 考试中取得优异的成绩，为自己交一份满意的答卷。你们更要珍惜一分一秒的时间，把更多的精力投入到学习之中。要相信成功一定属于勤奋的人！
老师们、同学们，春天是千帆竞发的好时节，春天是百舸争流的好时光，让我们一起以春天的名义播下希望和成功的种子，只争朝夕，在新的学期里再攀高峰。我坚信团结的师生一定能为学校的发展做出新的贡献，走向新的辉煌，谱写学校更加绚丽的篇章。
谢谢大家！
第五篇：大学生英语演讲稿
im from class 6，my name is xxx.its my honor to speak here .im very glad to share my topic with you .do our own is my topic .
with the development of our society，more and more people lose themselves，and they dont know what they want to do，they dont know what they are doing .how terrible !
for us，we cant choose to be born，we cant choose our parents，we cant choose the country of our birth，we cant choose the time of our death，but we can choose how to face our life :happy or unhappy，positive or negative . what is important，what we should do and what we shouldnt do，we can decide by ourselves. no matter how we choose and decide，all of these are made by us .so dont care too much about what others think of you，only do yourself and make yourself.
lets do a heart，lets live in the sunshine，let our life be more meaningful，do we want to do，do what we do，do our own .
thats all，thank you for your listening
我是6班，我的名字是某某，我很荣幸在那里讲话，我很高兴能和你分享我的话题，做我们自我的事.
随着社会的发展，越来越多的人迷失了自我，他们不明白自我想做什么，他们不明白自我在做什么，这是多么可怕!
对于我们，我们不能选择出生，我们不能选择我们的父母，我们不能选择我们的出生国，我们不能选择我们的'死亡时光，但我们能够选择如何应对我们的生活：幸福或不欢乐，进取或消极.什么是重要的，我们应当做什么，我们不应当做什么，我们能够自我决定.不管我们如何选择和决定，所有这些都是由我们做的，所以不要太在意别人怎样看你，只做自我，自我做.
让我们做一颗心吧，让我们活在阳光下，让我们的生活更有意义，做我们想做的事，做我们自我做的事，做我们自我的事.
这是所有的，多谢你的聆听.
第六篇：大学生英语演讲稿
尊敬的xx:
大家好！我叫陈。很高兴在这里分享我对成长烦恼的看法。
长大了，就像生活中的一艘船，驾着浪面。有时平静，有时艰难。但是我长大的船，并不是一切都在走。对我来说，酸的，甜的，苦的，呵呵，一切。
现在，随着我的成长，正在成为成年人，所以在父母眼里，我不再是一个孩子。有时，他们会说& quot你& # 39；我长大了，不是小孩子了！"我一听这个头就疼。
当我还是个小男孩的时候，我的生活是如此的轻松。但是现在，前面的海浪更大，大海更曲折，我成为一名中学生，这一切我都过去了。我& # 39；我更高，作业更多，学习更多的科目，有更多的考试。当我还是个孩子的时候，无论发生什么我都是错的，没有人来责怪我。但是现在，如果我做错了什么，我的父母就会大喊大叫。轻松的时光将离我远去。我会更忙。
学习压力一直困扰着我。长大后，更多的'工作渐渐像小山一样。放学后，我不敢玩，去看自己喜欢的书，我& # 39；恐怕我能& # 39；为了完成这项工作，我只能拼命把我书里的钢笔弄成波浪形，例如，我必须在回家的路上跑步。课程也逐渐繁重。每天晚上回家复习，我看了很多书，我真的不知道学习什么科目，是语文？还是数学？还是地理？或者……
我该怎么办？展望未来的生活。
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